of about 10,000; the rest having died in the retreat, of their wounds, fatigues, or diseases. In the small time the Greeks continued in these parts, several divisions arose as well with the inhabitants of the country, as with some of the officers, who were jealous of Xenophon's authority, and endeavoured to render him odious to the army: but his wisdom and moderation put a stop to those disorders; having made the soldiers sensible that their safety depended upon preserving union and a good understanding among themselves, and obedience to their generals. From Cerasus they went to Cotyora, which is not very remote from it. They there deliberated again upon the proper measures for their return. The inhabitants of the country represented the almost insuperable difficulties of going by land, from the defiles and rivers they had to pass, and offered to supply the Greeks with ships. This seemed the best expedient, and the army embarked accordingly. They arrived the next day at Sinope, a city of Paphlagonia, and a colony of the Milesians. Chirisophus repaired thither with galleys, but without money, though the troops expected to receive some. He assured them that the army should be paid, as soon as they were out of the Euxine sea, and that their retreat was universally celebrated, and the subject of the discourse and admiration of all Greece. The soldiers, finding themselves near enough to Greece, desired to make some booty before they arrived there, and with that view resolved to nom. inate a general with full authority, whereas till then, all affairs were determined in the council of war by the plurality of voices. They cast their eyes upon Xenophon, and caused him to be desired to accept that office. He was not insensible of the honour of commanding in chief; but he foresaw the consequences, and desired time to consider. After having expressed the highest sense of gratitude for an offer so much to his honour, he represented, that to avoid jealousy and division, the success of affairs, and the interest of the army, seemed to require that they should choose a Lacedæmonian for their general; the Spartan state at that time actually ruling Greece, and, in consideration of that choice, would be disposed to sup port them. This reason was not relished, and they objected to it, that they were far from intending a servile dependance upon Sparta or to submit to regulate their enterprises by the pleasure or dislike of that state; and pressed him again to accept the command. He was then obliged to explain himself sincerely, and without evasion; and declared, that having consulted the gods by sacrifice, upon the offer they made him, that they had manifested their will by evident signs, from whence it appeared that they did not approve their choice. It was surprising to see the impression which the sole mention of the gods made upon the soldiers, otherwise very warm and tenacious, and who besides are commonly little affected with the notives of religion. Their great ardour abated immediately, and without making any reply, they proceeded to elect Chirisophus, though a Lacedæmonian, for their general. His authority was of no long continuance. Discord, as Xenophon had foreseen, arose among the troops, who were angry that their general prevented their plundering the Grecian cities by which they passed. This disturbance was principally excited by the Peloponnesians, who composed one half of the army, and could not see Xenophon an Athenian in authority without pain. Different measures were proposed; but nothing being concluded, the troops divided themselves into three bodies of which the Achæans and Arcadians, that is the Peloponnesians, were the principal, amounting to 4500 heavy armed foot, with Lycon and Callimachus for thei VOL. II. S4 generals. Chirisophus commanded another party of about 1400 men, besides 700 light armed infantry. Xenophon had the third, almost the same in number, in which 300 were light armed soldiers, with about 40 horse, which were all the cavalry of the army. The first having obtained ships from the people of Heraclea, * to whom they sent to demand them, set out before the rest to make some booty, and make a descent in the port of Calpe. Chirisophus, who was sick, marched by land; but without quitting the coast. Xenophon landed at Heraclea, and entered into the heart of the country. er. New divisions arose. The imprudence of the troops and their leaders had involved them in ill measures, not without loss, from whence the address of Xenophon extricated them more than once. Being all re-united again, after various success, they arrived by land at Chrysopolis in Caledonia facing Byzantium, whither they repaired some days after, having passed the small arm of the sea which separates the two continents. They were upon the point of plundering that rich and powerful city, to revenge a fraud and injury which had been done them, and from the hope of enriching themselves once for all, when Xenophon made all possible haste thithHe admitted the justness of their revenge, but he made them sensible of the fatal consequences which would attend it: "After your plunder"ing this city, and destroying the Lacedæmonians established in it, you will be deemed the mortal enemies of their republic, and of all their al"lies. Athens, my country, that had 400 galleys at sea and in the arsenals, 'when it took up arms against them, great sums of money in its treasury, a revenue of 1000 talents, and was in possession of all the isles of "Greece, and of many cities in Europe and Asia, of which this was one, "has nevertheless been reduced to yield to their power, and submit to "their sway. And do you hope, who are but a handful of men, without "generals, provisions, allies, or any resource, either from Tissaphernes, who "has betrayed you, or the king of Persia, whom you have attempted to de"throne; can you hope, I say, in such a condition, to make head against "the Lacedæmonians? Let us demand satisfaction from the Byzantines, "and not avenge their fault by a much greater of our own, which must "draw upon us inevitable ruin." He was believed, and the affair accommodated. From thence he led them to Salmy dessa, to serve Seuthes prince of Thrace, who had before solicited him by his envoys to bring troops to his aid, in order to his re establishment in his father's dominions, of which his enemies had deprived him. He made Xenophon great promises for himself and his troops; but when they had done him the service he wanted, he was so far from keeping his word, that he did not give them the pay agreed upon. Xenophon reproached him exceedingly with this breach of faith; imputing his perfidy to his minister Heraclides, who thought to make his court to his master, by saving him a sum of money at the expence of justice, faith, and honesty; qualities which ought to be dearer than all others to a prince, as they contribute the most to his reputation, as well as to the success of affairs and the security of a state. But that treacherous minister, who looked upon honour, probity, and justice, as mere chimeras, and that there was nothing real but the possession of much money, had no thoughts, in consequence, but of enriching himself by any means whatsoever, and robbed his master first with impunity, and all his subjects along with him. "However," continued Xenophon, "every wise man, especial * A city of Pontus. + Xenoph. 1. vii. "ly in authority and command, ought to regard justice, probity, and the "faith of engagements, as the most precious treasure he can possess; and as an assured resource, and an infallible support in all the events that can "happen." Heraclides was the more in the wrong for acting in this manner with regard to the troops, as he was a native of Greece, and not a Thracian; but avarice had extinguished all sense of honour in him. Whilst the dispute between Seuthes and Xenophon was warmest, Charminus and Polynices arrived, as ambassadors from Lacedæmon, and brought advice, that the republic had declared war against Tissaphernes and Pharnabasus; that Thimbron had already embarked with the troops, and promised a daric a month to every soldier, two to each officer, and four to the colonels, who should engage in the service. Xenophon accepted the offer, and having obtained from Seuthes, by the mediation of the ambassadors, part of the pay due to him, he went by sea to Lampsacus with the army, which amounted at that time to almost 6000 men. From thence he advanced to Pergamos, a city in the province of Troas. Having met near Parthenia, where ended the expedition of the Greeks, a great nobleman returning into Persia, he took him, his wife, and children, with all his equipage, and by that means found himself in a condition to bestow great liberalities among the soldiers, and to make them satisfactory amends for all the losses they had sustained. Thimbron at length arrived, who took upon him the command of the troops, and having joined them with his own marched against Tissaphernes and Pharnabasus. * Such was the event of Cyrus' expedition. Xenophon reckons from the first setting out of that prince's army from the city of Ephesus to their arrival, where the battle was fought, 530 parasangas or leagues, and 93 days march; and in their return from the place of battle to Cotyora, a city upon the coast of the Euxine or Black Sea, 620 parasangas or leagues, and 120 days march; and adding both together, he says, the way, going and coming, was 1155 parasangas or leagues, || and 215 days march; and that the whole time the army took to perform that journey, including the days of rest, was 15 months. It appears by this calculation, that the army of Cyrus marched daily, one day with another, almost six parasangas ( or leagues in going, and only five in their return. It was natural, that Cyrus who desired to surprise his brother, should use all possible diligence for that purpose. This retreat of the 10,000 Greeks has always passed amongst the judges of the art of war, as I have already observed, for a perfect model in its * Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. I. ii p. 276. + Ibid. 1. iii. 335. I add five, which are left out in the text, to make the total agree with the two parts. Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. l. vii. p. 427. The parasanga is a measure of ways peculiar to the Persians, and consists of three stadia. The stadium is the same with the Greeks, and contains, according to the most received opinion, 125 geometrical paces; 20 of which in consequence are required to the common French league. And this has been my rule hitherto, according to which, the parasanga is a league and a half. I observe here a great difficulty. In this calculation we find the ordinary days marches of Cyrus, with an army of more than 100,000 men, would have been, one day with an other, nine leagues, during so long a time; which according to the judges in military affairs, is absolutely impossible. This is what has determined me to compute the parasanga at no more than a league. Several authors have remarked, and indeed it is not to be doubted, that the stadium, and all the other measures of ways of the ancients, have differed widely, according to times and places, as they still do amongst us. kind, and never had a parallel. Indeed no enterprise could be formed with more valour and bravery, nor conducted with more prudence, nor executed with more success: 10,000 men, 500 or 600 leagues from their own country, who had lost their generals and best officers, and find themselves in the heart of the enemy's vast empire, undertake, in the sight of a victorious and numerous army, with the king at the head of them, to retire through the seat of his empire, and in a manner from the gates of his palace, and to traverse a vast extent of unknown countries, almost all in arms against them, without being dismayed by the prospect of the innumerable obstacles and dangers, to which they were every moment exposed; passes of rivers, of mountains and defiles; open attacks; secret ambuscades from the people upon their route; famine, almost inevitable in vast and desert regions; and above all, the treachery they had to fear from the troops, who seemed to be employed in escorting them, but in reality had orders to destroy them. For Artaxerxes, who was sensible how much the return of those Greeks into their country would cover him with disgrace, and decry the majesty of the empire in the sense of all nations, had left nothing undone to prevent it; and he desired their destruction, says Plutarch, more passionately, than to conquer Cyrus himself, or to preserve the sovereignty of his estates. Those 10,000 men, however, notwithstanding so many obstacles, carried their point, and arrived, through a thousand dangers, victorious and triumphant in their own country. * Antony long after, when pursued by the Parthians almost in the same country, finding himself in like danger, cried out in admiration of their invincible valour, "Oh the retreat "of the ten thousand !" And it was the good success of this famous retreat, which filled the people of Greece with contempt for Artaxerxes, by demonstrating to them, that gold, silver, luxury, voluptuousness, and a numerous seraglio of women, were the sole merit of the grand monarch; but that, as to the rest, his opulence and all his boasted power were only pride and vain ostentation. It was this prejudice, more universal than ever in Greece after this celebrated expedition, that gave birth to those bold enterprises of the Greeks, of which we shall soon treat, that made Artaxerxes tremble upon his throne, and brought the Persian empire to the very brink of destruction, SECTION VI. CONSEQUENCES OF CYRUS DEATH.-PARY SATIS' CRUELTY.-STATIRA POI SONED. I RETURN to what passed after the battle of Cunaxa in the court of Artaxerxes. As he believed that he killed Cyrus with his own hand, and looked upon that action as the most glorious of his life, he desired that all the world should think the same; and it was wounding him in the most tender part, to dispute that honour, or endeavour to divide it with him. The Cariah soldier whom we mentioned before, not contented with the great presents the king had made him upon a different pretext, perpetually declared to all that would hear him, that none but himself had killed Cyrus, and that the king did him great injustice in depriving him of the glory due to him. The prince, upon being informed of that insolence, conceived a jealousy equally base and cruel, and had the weakness to cause *Plut. in Anton. p. 987. 2 μerpion. Plut. in Artax. p. 1018-1621, him to be delivered to Parysatis, who had sworn the destruction of all those who had any share in the death of her son. Animated by her barbarous revenge, she commanded the executioners to take that unfortunate wretch, and to make him suffer the most exquisite tortures during ten days; then, after they had torn out his eyes, to pour melted brass into his ears, till he expired in that cruel misery; which was accordingly executed. Mithridates also, having boasted in an entertainment where he had heated his brain with wine, that it was he gave Cyrus his mortal wound; paid very dear for that sottish and imprudent vanity. He was condemned to suffer the punishment of the troughs, one of the most cruel that was ever invented, and after having languished in torment during 17 days, died at last slowly in exquisite misery. There only remained for the final execution of her project, and fully to satiate her vengeance, the punishment of the king's eunuch Mesabates, who by his master's order had cut off the head and hand of Cyrus. But as there was nothing to take hold of his conduct, Parysatis laid this snare for him. She was a woman of great address, had abundance of wit, and excelled in playing at a certain game with dice. After the war, she had been reconciled with the king, played often with him, was of all his parties, had an unbounded complaisance for him, and far from contradicting him in any thing, prevented his desires, did not blush at indulging his passions, and even at supplying him with the means of gratifying them. But she took a special care never to lose sight of him, and to leave Statira as little alone with him as she could, desiring to gain an absolute ascendant over her son. One day seeing the king entirely unemployed, and with no thoughts but of diverting himself, she proposed playing at dice for 1000 darics,* to which he readily consented. She suffered him to win, and paid down the money. But affecting regret and rexation, she pressed him to begin again, and to play with her for an eunuch. The king, who suspected nothing, complied, and they agreed to except five of the favourite eunuchs on each side, that the winner should take their choice out of the rest, and the loser be bound to deliver him. Having made these conditions, they sat down to play. The queen was all attention to the game, and made use of all her skill and address in it; besides which the dice favoured her. She won, and chose Mesabates, for he was not one of the excepted. As soon as she got him into her hands, before the king could have the least suspicion of the revenge she meditated, she delivered him to the executioners, and commanded them to flea him alive, to lay him afterwards upon three cross bars,† and to stretch his skin at large before his eyes upon two stakes prepared for that purpose; which was performed accordingly. When the king knew this, he was very sorry for it, and violently angry with his mother. But without giving herself any farther trouble about it, she told him with a smile and in a jesting way, “Real"ly, you are a great loser, and must be highly in the right, to be so much "out of humour for a decrepit wretch of an eunuch, when I, who lost "1000 good darics, and paid them down upon the spot, do not say a "word, and am satisfied." All these cruelties seem to have been only essays and preparations for a greater crime Parysatis meditated. She had retained at heart a violent hatred for queen Statira, which she had suffered to escape her upon many og The daric was worth ten livres. + Plutarch explains this circumstance no farther. |