and commenced that very day upon war, having entered into alliance with several of the neighbouring nations, and being strengthened by the Messinians, who at that time were engaged in a war with the Spartans. The Lacedæmonians in this extremity sent to Athens to implore succours; but this was opposed by Ephialtes, who declared that it would be no way advisable to assist them, nor to rebuild a city that was the rival of Athens, which, he said, ought to be left in its ruins, and the pride of Sparta thereby humbled for ever. But Cimon, being struck with horror at these politics, did not hesitate a moment to prefer the welfare of the Lacedæmonians to the aggrandizing of his country; declaring in the strongest terms, that it was absolutely weak and inconsistent, "to leave Greece lame "of one of its legs, and Athens without a counterpoise ;" the people came into his opinion, and accordingly a succour was voted. Sparta and Athens might indeed be considered as the two limbs on which Greece stood; so that if one of them was destroyed, the rest were inevitably crippled. It is also certain, that the Athenians were so elated with their grandeur, and were become so proud and enterprising, that they wanted a curb; for which was so proper as Sparta, that state being the only one that was capable of being a counterpoise to the headstrong disposition of the Athenians. Cimon therefore marched to the aid of the Lacedæmonians with 4000 men. none We have here an example of the prodigious influence which a man of fine talents and abilities has in a state, when a great fund of merit unites in his person, with a well established reputation for probity, disinterestedness, and a zeal for the good of his country. Cimon, with very little difficulty, prevails so far as to inspire the Athenians with noble and magnanimous sentiments, which in outward appearance interfered with their interest; and this in spite of the suggestions of a secret jealousy, which never fails to show itself in the most sensible manner on these occasions. By the ascendant and authority which his virtue gives him, he raises them above the grov elling and unjust, though too common, political views, that prompt a people to consider the calamities of their neighbours as an advantage, which the interest of their own country permits and even enjoins them to lay hold of. The counsels of Cimon were perfectly wise and equitable; but it is surprising how he could prevail so far as to make a whole people approve them, since this is all that could be expected from an assembly of the wisest and gravest senators. * Some time after, the Lacedæmonians again implored the aid of the Athenians against the Messinians and helots, who had seized upon Ithoma. But these forces being arrived under the command of Cimon, the Spartans began to dread their intrepidity, their power, and great fame; so that the city affronted them so far as to send them back, upon the suspicion of their harbouring ill designs, and of intending to turn their arms against them. The Athenians being returned full of anger and resentment, they declared themselves from that very day enemies to all who should favour the Lacedæmonian interest; for which reason they banished Cimon by the ostracism, the first opportunity that presented itself for that purpose. This is the first time that the misunderstanding between these two nations, which afterwards augmented through mutual discontent, displayed itself in so strong a manner. It was nevertheless suspended for some years by truces and treaties, which prevented its consequences; but it at last broke out in the most violent manner in the Peloponnesian war. *Plut. in Cim. Thucyd. I. i. p. 67, 68. 4 * Those who had shut themselves up in Ithoma, after making a ten year's defence in it, surrendered at last to the Lacedæmonians, who gave them their lives, upon condition that they should never return to Peloponnesus. The Athenians, to exasperate the Lacedæmonians, received them with their wives and children, and settled them at Naupactus, of which they had just before possessed themselves. The inhabitants of Megara at the same time went over from the Spartans to the Athenians. In this manner several leagues were concluded on both sides, and many battles were fought, the most famous of which was that of Tanagra in Boeotia, which Diodorus equals with those of Marathon and Platæa, and in which Myronidus the Athenian general defeated the Spartans who came to the aid of the Thebans. It was on this occasion, that Cimon, thinking himself dispensed from his proscription, repaired with some soldiers to his tribe to serve his country, and to fight in the Athenian country against the Lacedæmonians; but his enemies caused him to be ordered to retire. However, before he went away, he exhorted his companions, who were no less suspected than himself of favouring the Lacedæmonians, to exert themselves to the utmost, and fight with the greatest courage, to prove their innocence, and, if possible, to efface from the minds of the citizens a suspicion so injurious to them all. Accordingly those brave soldiers, who were 100 in number, fired by these words, demanded his whole armour of him, which they placed in the centre of their little battalion, in order to have him in a manner present and before their eyes. They fought with so much valour and fury, that they were all cut to pieces, to the great regret of the Athenians, who deeply repented their having accused them so unjustly. I omit several events of little importance. SECTION IX. CIMON IS RECALLED.-HIS DEATH. THE Athenians perceiving the great occasion they had for Cimon, ‡ recalled him from banishment, in which he had spent five years. It was Pericles himself who proposed and drew up that decree; so moderate in those times, says Plutarch, were feuds and animosities, and so easy to be appeased, when the welfare of their country required it; and so happily did ambition, which is one of the strongest and most lively passions, yield to the necessity of the times, and comply with the occasions of the public. The instant Cimon returned, he stifled the sparks of war which were going to break out among the Greeks, reconciled the two cities and prevailed with them to conclude a truce for five years. And to prevent the Athenians, who were grown haughty, in effect of the many victories they had gained, from having an opportunity, or harbouring a design to attack their neighbours and allies, he thought it advisable to lead them at a great distance from home against the common enemy; thus endeavouring in an honourable way to inure the citizens to war, and enrich them at the same time. Accordingly he put to sea with a fleet of 200 sail. He sent 60 of these into Egypt, to the aid of Amyrteus, and himself sailed with the rest against the island of Cyprus. Artabazus was at that time in those seas, * A. M. 3548. Ant. J. C. 456. Thucyd. 1. i. p. 69-71. Diod. 1. xi. p. Ibid. p. 490. 59-65. + Plut. in Cim. p. 489. ↑ A. M. 3554. Ant. J. C. 450. Plut. in Cim. with a fleet of 300 sail; and Megabysus, the other general of Artaxerxes, with an army of 300,000 men, on the coast of Cilicia. As soon as the squadron which Cimon sent into Egypt had joined his fleet, he sailed and attacked Artabazus, and took 100 of their ships. He sunk many of them, and chased the rest as far as the coast of Phoenicia. But, as if this victory had been only a prelude to a second, he made a descent on Cilicia in his return, attacked Megabysus, defeated him, and cut to pieces a prodigious number of his troops. He afterwards returned to Cyprus with this double triumph, and laid siege to Citium, a strong city of very great importance. His design, after he had reduced that island, was, to sail for Egypt, and again embroil the affairs of the barbarians; for he had very extensive views, and meditated no less a prospect than that of the entire subversion of the mighty empire of Persia. The rumours which prevailed, that Themistocles was to command against him, added fresh fire to his courage; and almost assured of success, he was infinitely pleased with the occasion of trying his abilities with those of that general. But we have already seen that Themistocles laid violent hands on himself about this time. * Artaxerxes, tired with a war in which he had sustained such great losses, resolved, with the advice of his council, to put an end to it. Accordingly, he sent orders to his generals to conclude a peace with the Athenians upon the most advantageous conditions they could, Megabysus and Artabazus sent ambassadors to Athens to propose an accommodation. Plenipotentiaries were chosen on both sides, and Callias was at the head of those of Athens. The conditions of the treaty were as follow: 1. That all the Grecian cities of Asia should enjoy their liberty, with such laws and forms of government as they should think fit to choose. 2. That no Persian ship of war should be allowed to enter the seas between the Cyanean and Chelidonian islands, that is, from the Euxine sea to the coasts of Pamphilia. 3. That no Persian general should march any troops within three days, march of those seas. 4. That the Athenians should not invade any part of the dominions of the king of Persia. These articles being ratified by both parties, peace was proclaimed. Thus ended this war, which, from the burning of Sardis by the Athenians, had lasted 51 years complete, and in which infinite numbers of Persians as well as Greeks had perished. Whilst this treaty was negociating, Cimon died, either of sickness, or. of a wound he had received at the siege of Citium. When he was near his end, he commanded his officers to sail with the fleet immediately for Athens, and to conceal his death with the utmost care. Accordingly this was executed with so much secrecy, that neither the enemy nor the allies once suspected it; and they returned safe to Athens, still under the conduct and auspices of Cimon, though he had been dead above thirty days. Cimon was universally regretted, which is no wonder, since he was possessed of all those qualities which dignify the soul; the most tender son; a faithful friend; zealous for the good of his country: a great politician; an accomplished general; modest when raised to the highest employments and most distinguished honours; liberal and beneficent almost to profusion; simple and averse to ostentation of every kind, even in the * Diod. p. 74, 75. Plut. in Cim. p. 491. †A. M. S555. Ant. J. C. 449. Sic se gerendo, minime est mirandum, și et vita ejus fuit secura, et non acerba. Cor. Nep. in Cim. c. 4. midst of riches and abundance; in fine so great a lover of the poor citizens as to share his whole estate with them, without being ashamed of such companions of his fortune. History mentions no statues or monuments erected to his memory, nor any magnificent obsequies celebrated after his death; but the greatest honour that could be paid him was the sighs and tears of the people.* These were permanent and lasting statues which are not obnoxious to the inclemencies of the weather or the injuries of time, and endear the memory of the good and virtuous to the remotest ages; for the more splendid mausolæums, the works of brass and marble, that are raised in honour of wicked great men, are despised by posterity, as sepulchres which inclose nothing but vile dust and putrefaction. What followed, proved more strongly the loss which Greece had sustained by his death; for Cimon was the last of all the Grecian generals who did any thing considerable or glorious against the barbarians. Excited by the orators, who gained the strongest ascendant over the minds of the people, and sowed the seeds of division in their public assemblies, they turned their animosity against each other, and at last proceeded to open war, the fatal consequences of which no one endeavoured to prevent; a circumstance that was of great advantage to the king of Persia, and the utmost prejudice to the affairs of Greece. SECTION X. THUCYDIDES IS OPPOSED TO PERICLES, &c. THE nobles of Athens seeing Pericles raised to the highest degree of power,t and far above all the rest of the citizens, resolved to oppose him with a man who in some measure might make head against him, and prevent his great authority from growing up to monarchy. Accordingly they opposed him with Thucydides, Cimon's brother in law, a man who had displayed his wisdom on numberless occasions. He indeed did not pos sess the military talents in so eminent a degree as Pericles, but then he had as great an influence over the people, shaping their opinions, and directing their assemblies as he pleased; and as he never stirred out of the city, but continually combatted Pericles in all his designs, he soon restored things to an equilibrium. On the other side, Pericles was solicitous of pleasing the people on all occasions, and slackened the rein more than ever; entertaining them as often as possible with shows, festivals, games, and other diversions, He found means to maintain, during eight months in the year, a great number of poor citizens, by putting them on board a fleet, consisting of 60 ships, which he fitted out every year; and thereby did his country an important service, by training up a great number of seamen for its defence. He also planted several colonies in Chersonesus, in Naxos, in Andros, and among the Bisaltæ in Thrace. There was a very noble one in Italy, of which we shall soon have occasion to speak, and which built Thurium. Pericles had different views in settling these colonies, besides the particular design he might have of gaining the affections of the people by that means. His chief motives were, to clear the city of a great number of idle persons, who were ever ready to disturb the government; to relieve the wants of the lowest class of people, who were before unable * Hæ pulcherrimæ effigies et mansuræ. Nam, quæ saxo struuntur, si judicium posterorum in odium vertit, pro sepulchris spernuntur. Tacit Annal. 1. iv. c. 58. † Plut. in Pericl. p. 158-161. to subsist themselves; in fine, to awe the allies, by setting native Athenians among them as so many garrisons, which might prevent their engaging in any measures contrary to the interest of that people. The Romans acted in the same manner; and it may be said, that so wise a policy was one of the most effectual methods used by them to secure the tranquility of the state. But the circumstance which did Pericles the greatest honour in the sense of the people, was his adorning the city with magnificent edifices and other works, which raised the admiration and astonishment, of all foreigners, and gave them a mighty idea of the power of the Athenians. It is surprising that in so short a space, so many works of architecture, sculpture, engraving, and painting, should be performed, and at the same time be carried to the highest perfection; for it is generally found, that edifices raised in haste boast neither a solid and durable grace, nor the regularity required in works of an exquisitely beautiful kind. Commonly nothing but length of time, joined to assiduous labour, can give them such a strength as may preserve, and make them triumph over ages; and this raises our wonder still more in regard to the works of Pericles, which were finished with so much rapidity, and however subsisted through so great a length of time. For each of those works, the very instant it was finished, had the beauty of an antique; and at this time, i. e. above 500 years after, says Plutarch, they retain a freshness and youth as if just come out of the artist's hand; so happily do they preserve the graces and charms of novelty, which will not suffer time to diminish their lustre; as if an ever blooming spirit, and a soul exempt from age, were diffused into every part of those works. But that circumstance, which excited the admiration of the whole world, raised the jealousy of the people against Pericles. His enemies were for ever crying aloud in the assemblies, that it was dishonorable to the Athenians to appropriate to themselves the bank of all Greece, which he had sent for from Deios, where it had been deposited; that the allies must necessarily consider such an attempt as a manifest tyranny, when they found that the sums which had been extorted from them, upon pretence of their being employed in the war, were laid out by the Athenians in gilding and embellishing their city, in making magnificent statues, and raising temples that cost millions. They did not amplify on these occasions; for the temple of Minerva only, called the Parthenone, had cost 3,000,000 of livres.* Pericles, on the contrary, remonstrated to the Athenians, that they were not obliged to give the allies an account of the monies they had received from them; that it was enough they defended them from, and repulsed the barbarians, whilst the allies furnished neither soldiers, horses, nor ships; and were excused for some sums of money, which, from the instant they were paid in, were no longer the property of the donors, but of those who received them, provided they performed the conditions agreed upon, and in consideration of which they were received. He added, that as the Athenians were sufficiently provided with all things necessary for war, it was but just that they should employ the rest of their riches in edifices and other works, which, when finished, would give immortal glory to their city; and the whole time they were carrying on, diffused a plenty of all things, and gave bread to an infinite number of citizens: that they themselves had all kinds of materials, as timber, stone, brass, ivory, gold, * About 145,000 sterling. |