proclaim that the age of chivalry was past." He lived until 1813, long enough to see the abolition of the slave trade, but not to witness the final triumph of the cause he had espoused. A new and energetic ally had entered the field in 1785 in the person of Thomas Clarkson, a young Cambridge student. He gained the prize for an essay on the subject "an liceat invitos in servitutem dare," and, in collecting materials for his composition, was so moved by the horrible cruelty of the traffic in slaves that he determined to devote his life to its abolition. Clarkson travelled to Bristol, Liverpool and other ports whence slave-ships were fitted out, collecting evidence and securing witnesses, in which task he endured much opposition, abuse and even violence at the hands of unscrupulous men interested in the slave trade. At last, armed with a long array of facts, records of atrocious cruelty committed, not only on the persons of the unfortunate negroes, but also upon members of the crews of slave-ships, he obtained an interview with William Wilberforce, and induced that eloquent and earnest Christian man to bring the matter before Parliament.

In a beautiful park near Sevenoaks, in Kent, on the crest of a hill and overshadowed by noble trees, there stands to this day a rustic seat on the back of which is an inscription to the effect that, sitting in that seat, William Wilberforce, in company with his firm friend and powerful ally, William Pitt, declared his intention to devote him. self, with the help of God, to the cause of the oppressed negro-slave. Worthily was the promise kept. Session after session he persisted, in spite of bitter opposition and misrepresentation, in leading an ever-increasing minority to the charge, until at last he had the happiness to see his efforts successful.

The first resolution in Parliament against the slave trade was moved in 1788, but Wilberforce was prevented by illness from being present. Here Here Pitt stepped generously forward and took up the task of his absent friend,

although the young minister was well aware of the opposition he would thereby bring upon his party from the rich and powerful combination of those interested in maintaining the iniquitous institution.

The resolution was adopted by the House, but a resolution of the House of Commons is often long in bearing the fruit of practical legislation. There were many pressing matters before Parliament which clamoured for precedence, and meanwhile men, women and children were suffering indescribable misery at the hands of their inhuman captors and purchasers. Sir William Dolben, whose kindly heart was touched deeply by the recital of the horrors of the Middle Passage," as the voyage from the coast of Africa to the West India Islands and America was then called, rose and, in an eloquent and impassioned speech, urged that something should be done at once to check the awful suffering and loss of life attendant on the transport of the negroes to the market where they were to be sold as dumb cattle. The feelings of the House were roused; a short Bill was passed to mitigate the horrors of the Middle Passage," providing against over-crowding in slaveships, but even this modest measure of humanity did not pass without opposition. It was, however, the first successful blow struck at the disgraceful system.

64

Though the clash of arms and the noise of battle drowned at times the earnest voices of the advocates of freedom, yet they persevered until their glorious task was done.

The fearful thunder-peal of revolution and war on the continent turned every face to watch the progress of the storm, so that little notice could be gained for even the most pressing needs at home, while in the great political earthquake any changes, even the most salutary, were regarded with suspicion.

The cause of the negro especially suffered from the outrages committed by the slave population of San Domingo, who, catching the spirit of revolt

from their masters, outdid even them in the fury of their revenge for past wrongs.

Another cause of delay operated even upon those friendly to the cause. In 1787 and 1788 no fewer than 100 petitions signed by many thousands of people from influential places produced such effect upon the deliberations of Parliament that the question of the slave trade was at once taken into consideration by the Government, remedial measures were adopted and resolutions passed which ultimately led to its abolition. Now the King, and even Mr. Pitt, friendly as he was to the cause, viewed with disfavour this triumph of the method of influencing Parliament by addresses and petitions. They feared that the same power might be exercised on future occasions for ends less worthy, or, at any rate, less acceptable to the Executive.

In 1793 and 1794 Mr. Wilberforce renewed the attack, but though he obtained a majority in the Commons, his motions were negatived in the Lords, chiefly through the loud and energetic opposition of Lord Thurlow. During

the next four years Mr. Wilberforce brought the matter repeatedly before the House, after which active measures in Parliament were suspended for some years, but no pains were

LORD THURLOW.

spared to open the eyes and awaken the conscience of the nation. All classes of the people and all religious communities of every denomination were represented in the Anti-slavery Society. Evidence was collected at great labour and expense to expose the barbarity and iniquity of the traffic.

Tracts were delivered in almost every house; from pulpit and platform the cause of the negro was pleaded.

Nothing less would have sufficed for success. The negro was far away, despised, too often a subject of ridicule. No profit could accrue to the nation from his emancipation. On the contrary, it was to be apprehended that this act of justice and benevolence would, as it eventually did, cost the country a heavy sum.

Powerful, numerous and wealthy classes were interested in the maintenance of slavery. Merchants, shipowners and mariners, as well as planters, thought their interest and even their livelihood bound up with the institution.

Thus obstacles of all kinds had to be overcome, but the chief of these-indifference, ignorance and prejudice— gave way to the energy, eloquence and untiring good temper of the assailants until the Society, with all that was

best and noblest in the nation arrayed on its side, had to face only the openly selfish opposition of vested interests.

In 1804, after this active campaign of fourteen years, the matter came again before Parliament, when a bill for the Abolition of the Slave Trade was actually read a second time, but postponed.

Again the sound of battle called off the attention of the people-the threatened invasion by the French, the overthrow of our allies at Ulm and Austerlitz, the glorious victory of Trafalgar, and the loss within a few months of Nelson and of Pitt delayed action, but Fox, who for this benevolent purpose had joined hands with his great rival, had the honour of passing into law, in 1806, the first bill making the slave trade illegal.

Thus, at last, the victory was won. The slave trade was not only prohibited by law that might perhaps have been accomplished twenty years earlier but for the interruptions of war— but denounced and proscribed by public opinion, so that it had not, as smuggling long had, and duelling still longer, the countenance of society in secret to support it in defiance or evasion of the law.

Much remained still to be done, but it was the pursuit of a flying enemy the forces of slavery were routed.

In 1807, after the death of Fox, the penalty of transportation was assigned to the offence of procuring slaves in Africa.

In 1811 Brougham's bill fixed the penalty for trading in slaves in any part of His Majesty's dominions at fourteen years' penal servitude.

The emancipation of those who had already been made slaves, or who had been born in slavery, was next to be considered, as well as provision made for the disposal of those rescued from slave-ships"in transitu."

It was obvious that to set free unconditionally and suddenly a great number of negroes in a white settlement before the harsh restraints of slavery had been replaced by some juster and more humane provision for

their good conduct would be an act of madness, fraught with imminent danger to the white population, and eventually to the blacks themselves, whose interests were under consideration. The state of slavery then was succeeded by an intermediate system of apprenticeship, which, it was hoped, would educate the slaves in habits of industry and saving before complete freedom was granted.

This plan, though not completely successful, was instrumental in lessening the dangers apprehended, and the West India Islands under British rule have suffered since emancipation rather from fiscal and natural economical causes than from the change in the labour system.

The immediate loss to the planters caused by suddenly depriving them of so large a proportion of their property as their slaves constituted was met by a noble gift from the nation of £20-, 000,000, worth then in round numbers $100,000,000. This sum was apportioned among the different islands according to the number of slaves freed and their value, calculated on an average of eight years' private and public sales in each island.

From the official account it appears that 780,993 slaves were freed, and compensation for each varied from £120 per head in British Honduras to £30 per head in the Bahamas.

In consequence of the decision of Parliament making the slave trade illegal many slave-ships were captured and their unhappy freights set free, but it was difficult to know how to dispose of the numbers of negroes thus fallen into the hands of their liberators.

Some were set ashore on the coast of Africa, supplied with tools, arms. and provisions, but it was probable that the greater number of these would fall again into the hands of the slavers or be exterminated or enslaved by the tribes to which they might come. Granville Sharp, aided by philanthropic capitalists, established a settlement in Sierra Leone for their reception, which, after undergoing many vicissitudes, is now a thriving colony.

On

The British Government afterwards provided a temporary settlement in St. Helena to which the captors of slavers might bring their rescued negroes. A humane and gallant officer, Major Young, of the St. Helena Militia, who was for many years the Government's agent for the reception and disposal of liberated slaves, has often described his labours to the present writer. the arrival of a captured slaver he would go on board at once to inspect her, where, notwithstanding the goodnatured efforts of the prize crew, the sights, sounds and effluvia were appalling. The first task was to get the negroes out of the ship and march them or carry them under guard to a large open space among the cabins prepared for their temporary dwellings. There they were ranged in two lines, men on one side, women and children on the other, and each woman in turn was ordered, through an interpreter, to pick out her own husband, father or brother.

Many affecting sights attended these unexpected reunions of families. Often mother and son, husband and wife, met there for the first time since they had been forcibly seized in their inland village and marched in gangs to the coast, ignorant each of the other's fate.

When the families had been as well collected as possible all were supplied with baths and clean clothes and the newly united households installed in the several cabins assigned to them.

Some few remained to work in the island as hired servants, some shipped to Sierra Leone, others to various places where their labour could procure them a living.

It is distressing to hear from recent accounts of travellers in Africa that the slave trade is not by any means destroyed as yet. M. Héli Chatelain estimates the slave population of Africa

as still numbering 50 millions, and a British estimate to which he refers considers that even now 500,000 lives are yearly sacrificed in the traffic. In a large part of the interior slaves constitute still the regular currency. Parents sell their children. The tracks of the caravans may be followed between rows of bleaching bones. These are statements made in December last by an apparently trustworthy witness. Let us hope that European occupation of the "Dark Continent" may soon put an end to this appalling state of things and that, especially where the British. flag has been planted by her brave soldiers, liberty and wise government may spread and continue; that the labours and lives of Livingstone, Cameron, Gordon and Baker and of a host of other gallant and humane pioneers may bear good fruit, and while we honour these names, let us hold also in loving remembrance the less dazzling achievements of those who toiled to free our own hearts and consciences from the guilt of the Slave Trade.

Gay Andras.

BOR

ORN at Moose Factory, Hudson's Bay, on May the 9th, 1849, educated at the High School, Montreal; and at the age of forty-nine steering one of the largest craft in the world's fleet of finance, Edward Seabourne Clouston is an encouraging example to the ambitious and patriotic youth of our great Dominion.

Mr. Clouston spent one year in the Hudson's Bay Company's service, of which his father, James Stewart Clouston, was at that time Chief Factor, before entering the Bank of Montreal at the age of sixteen.

Mr. Clouston's very successful career is most interesting to follow. In his twentieth year he was appointed accountant at Brockville; accountant at Hamilton two years later; assistant accountant at Montreal in 1874; attached to the London, England, office in 1875; the New York office in 1876; assistant inspector in 1877; assistant manager at Montreal in 1879; manager at Montreal Branch in 1881; assistant general manager in 1887; joint general manager, and finally general manager at the youthful age of forty-one.

Mr. Clouston took the helm at a critical period in the Bank's history; the Baring crisis occurred almost immediately after his appointment, and was followed in rapid succession by the Australian crisis, the U.S.

Currency famine of 1893, and the Silver crisis of 1896, beside several minor American and local financial disturbances. Owing to the great ramifications of the business of the Bank of Montreal all these troubles affected the institution to a certain extent; but the able brain, keen judgment and unflagging supervision of this master of finance brought his leviathan charge in safety through shoals and reefs upon which lay broken many a lesser craft.

In the second year of Mr. Clouston's administration the Bank became the Government agent for Canada in London, and in 1895 the Government Bankers for Newfoundland.