assumed to be vested in themselves. Such proceedings would call for severity; but he hoped that this society needed only to be noticed to sink into oblivion; and he wished therefore that the House should separate without any di

vision.

Lord Castlereagh entirely concarred with the last speaker. It was but justice to the individuals who composed the society in question to say that they were not disaffected to the state; but the act of 1799 stamped illegality upon all such associations. They were always dangerous, but especially so when extended to military bodies. Mr. Wynn said, that in compliance with the general wish of the House, he would withdraw his motion; but he hoped that his majesty's ministers would be alive to every attempt to carry the plan of these societies into execution.

On June 28th, the following message was presented by the chancellor of the exchequer to the House of Commons.

"The Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, considering that it may be of very great importance to provide for such emergencies as may arise, and relying on the experienced zeal and affection of the House of Commons, trusts that this House will enable him to take such measures as may be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprizes or designs of his enemies, and as the exigency of affairs may require."

The report upon this message being brought up on June 30th, Mr. Whitbread rose to make a few observations previous to an

address which he meant to move to the Prince Regent, with a view of putting his sentiments upon record. He first remarked upon the unprecedented amount of the vote of credit proposed, being the sum of five millions, which he thought infinitely too great. He then alluded to two different periods, that of the French emperor's being pursued from Russia almost within his antient boundaries, and that of the retreat of the allies beyond the Elbe, in which terms of negociation for peace appeared to him attainable, but had been neglected. He thought that the conduct of the allies in their treaties for the dismemberment of Denmark, and their holding out no expectations of the restoration of Poland, proved that they had not at heart the real benefit of mankind, or a sincere wish to establish peace on the continent; and he hoped that the cabinet of St. James's would cooperate in any future attempts to effect that desireable end. Not, however, having the confidence he could wish in our councils, he meant to move a temperate address on the subject when the vote of credit should be agreed to

Lord Castlereagh thought it would be best on all accounts not to enter into any details on the points noticed by the last speaker, whose views concerning peace were rather peculiar, since he imagined that negociation could always be entered upon, and never was it attempted but he considered his own government as the party placing impediments in its way. If the hon. member were not blind to what passed on the other side of the water, he would have read in an official instrument

of

of Buonaparte after his flight from Russia, a notification of the terms on which alone he would listen to peace, among which was that his dynasty must reign in Spain. As a case prima facie he had no right to say that we were indisposed to a peace on terms consistent with our independence and honour. As to the cases of Finland and Poland, how was it that they never heard from the hon. member that France was also bound to divest herself of her aggrandizements?

After Mr. Abercromby had spoken in defence of the sentiments and propositions of his hon. friend (Mr. W.); and Mr. Marryat bad made some observations on the impossibility that this country could treat with France while she made the treaty of Utrecht the basis of our maritime rights; the resolution for a vote of credit was agreed to.

Mr. Whitbread then rose, and having protested against some of the inferences drawn by the noble lord from his speech, moved an humble address to the Prince Regent, expressing the confidence of the House, that while they voted a sum of unexampled magnitude to be placed at the discretion of his Royal Highness, he would ot fail to use his utmost exertions in procuring to the country a peace founded upon a secure, honour able, and permanent basis.

The address was negatived without a division.

On July 22d, the House of Lords having assembled, the Prince Regent entered in state, and being seated on the throne, the Speaker of the House of Commons, holding in his hand the vote of credit

bill, made an address to his Royal Highness, recapitulating the various transactions of the year, and the chief public proceedings in parliament, with a pointed and remarkable reference to the rejection of the Catholic claims. See State Papers.

The Prince Regent then closed the session with a speech to the following purport. He began with alluding to the successes of the Marquis of Wellington in Spain, in particular at the battle of Vittoria, affording the best prospect of delivering the peninsula from the tyranny of France, and justifying the wisdom of parliament in persevering with steadiness in the contest. He then touched upon the failure of the French ruler in his designs against Russia, and the events which had since taken place in Germany, and mentioned the cordial union subsisting between himself and the courts of Petersburg, Berlin, and Stockholm, and his trust that with the aids so liberally granted, he should be enabled to render this union effectual for the accomplishment of its great purposes. He lamented the continuance of the war with the United States of America, and asserted his unabated desire of reestablishing friendly relations between the two countries, but said that he could not consent to purchase peace by a sacrifice of the marithne rights of the British empire. His Royal Highness then expressed his satisfaction with the measures adopted for the redemption of the national debt, and the provision made for the prosecution of the war with the least practicable addition to the public burdens.

He

FEM

NEW years have passed in which more internal public tranquillity has been enjoyed by the people of these islands than the present. There has, indeed, been a lamentable frequency of private crimes, many of an atrocious nature, which may lead to the apprehension that the long continuation of a state of war, and the wants and distresses of the lower classes, have communicated a tinge of savageness to the national character; but scarcely any acts have occurred of open resistance to the authority of law and government. Much of this quiet and submission has doubtles been owing to the vigorous exertions made for the suppression of that spirit of riot and depredation which bad arisen to so alarming a height in the last year, and had rendered necessary some unusual measures of restraint and severity. A few instances of the destruction of frames and other outrages by the people called Luddites were reported in the early part of the year; but the execution of the murderers of Mr. Horsefall, and afterwards that of fourteen rioters

tried by special commission at York, struck a terror which put an end to all further disturbances of that kind.

For a considerable period, the public feelings were much agitated by the transactions which took place with respect to the Princess of Wales. In our account of parliamentary affairs a relation has been given of all the occurrences in the great assembly of the nation which had a reference to this delicate and interesting subject, and of the causes which brought it under discussion; and among the state papers will be found some of the documents produced on the occasion. In the progress of the inquiry, a very general impression was made on the public, that an illustrious stranger, a woman and a mother, had been treated with harshness and injustice, and even that measures of additional severity were meditated against her; and with that zeal in favour of the oppressed which is one of the fairest traits of the British character, defenders of the honour and safety of the Princess started up on all sides. Of

public bodies, the livery of London was the first to take up her cause. At a common-hall convoked on the 2d of April, an address to the Princess was moved; and though it was opposed by some who thought it would be an unseasonable interference in a matter which might probably be settled in an amicable way between the parties concerned, yet the sense of the meeting was general with respect to the treatment she had experienced, which was censured in the warmest terms, even by those members of the corporation who are regarded as most under the influence of the court. The address was carried almost unanimously. It stated the indignation and abhorrence" with which the livery of London viewed "the fool conspiracy against the honour and life of her Royal Highness, and their admiration at her moderation, frankness, and magnanimity under her long persecution." The address was presented in great ceremony; was followed by another from the corporation of London; and a number of other public bodies imitated the example. At length, however, party began to interfere. It was thought that those who were disaffected to the present order of things made use of the occasion to render the person and government of the Prince Regent unpopular; as indeed that effect was at first produced in no inconsiderable degree. The triends of the court and ministry, of course, discouraged these addresses, which were perhaps conceived in a style of exaggeration and intemperance; the topic grew stale, and was superseded by others of more general

interest; the obnoxions proceedings with respect to the Princess were suspended, so that her situation afforded no longer any cause for apprehension; and before many months were elapsed, the whole matter appeared to be sunk in oblivion. It will however remain upon record as an example, not void of instruction, of the power exerted by a manifestation of the public feelings, when imprudently called forth by measures which place an individual in the light of an injured and persecuted object. With respect to the high perso nages concerned, it is to be lamented that what has passed must tend to render more irreparable a breach which has been the source of so much regret to the nation.

Another principal object of domestic interest during this year was the claim of the Roman Catholics for admission to the full rights of citizens. To the parliamentary proceedings respecting this matter we have already devoted a chapter; but it will be proper to subjoin some notice of the more limited exertions to which this important contest gave birth. It has been mentioned that the opposition to the Catholic claims by petitions from the clergy and laity, which commenced in the last year, was, carried in this to an extent appearing to comprise the greater part of the Protestant population. The most observable circumstance in a historical view with regard to this interposition is, that although much zeal and activity was displayed in promoting these petitions, yet that the whole was conducted with perfect order and quiet, unattended [H] 2

with