Declaration.

Vienna, Feb. 16. On the part of the imperial first chancellor Count Ugarte, the following declaration was addressed to the governors of the German provinces:

"His Majesty communicated to me on the 8th inst. his sovereign intentions to the following purport:

"After the endeavours of Austria to prevent the breaking out of a new continental war in the year 1812 proved fruitless, his Imperial and Royal Majesty, on account of his political relations, was obliged to look to the security of the frontiers of bis own states. His Majesty endeavoured to attain this end with the least possible expenditure of resources, and, of course, without burthening his subjects

"The event has shewn how much the views of his Royal and Imperial Majesty were accomplished. Whilst the war, with all its dreadful consequences, overspread the neighbouring states,-whilst a part of the army, with true attachment to their emperor and their country, maintained the ancient renown of the Austrian arms,-the most perfect tranquillity reigned throughout the whole extent of the empire.

"The events which occurred in the last months, have brought the theatre of war nearer to the frontiers of the monarchy. With our first, but circumscribed armament,

a renewal of the campaign, to the line of our frontiers, which is now so much extended. This consideration, arising out of the nature of things, would be sufficient to shew the necessity of increasing the corps of observation. However, a new object, much more accordant with the views of the emperor, and with the wishes of the nation, strengthens at the present moment, the duty of increased exertions.

"The first requisite of all European powers is repose. A peace founded on mutual interest,-a peace, the basis of which may form a guarantee of its duration, is the end of the active exertions of his Imperial and Royal Majesty. But in order to attain this salutary end, Austria must appear with a military force proportionate to existing circumstances. If, contrary to just expectation, the attempt should not be crowned with success, this force will at least hereafter effectually keep the theatre of war at a distance from the frontiers of the empire.

"In imparting to Mr. the sovereign intentions of his Majesty, I request that all the orders which I shall have to give on this subject, may be executed with all possible vigour and dispatch."

Proclamation by his Royal Majesty the King of Saxony.

Dresden, Feb. 26. We, Frederick Augustus, by the Grace of God, King of Saxony, &c.

We find ourselves, by existing circumstances, under the necessity of quitting our metropolis, and re

tiring to another part of our kingdom, where we think of remaining so long as circumstances may require, and admit of our so doing. The political system, to which we have for the last six years, attached ourselves, is what the state is solely indebted to for its preservation in the most threatening dangers in the course of that period. True to our treaties of alliance, we still look forward with confidence to the happy result, which, even if our wishes for the restoration of peace should remain unfulfilled for the present, we may promise ourself, from the powerful assistance of our great ally, the active support of the confederated powers, and the proved valour of our troops, who have covered themselves with glory in fighting for their country's

cause.

Our beloved subjects will in the surest manner promote the attainment of the end which we have so much at heart: to avoid and lighten the evils of war, as much as possible, by their loyalty, constancy, and quiet conduct; and likewise thereby hasten the period of our reunion with them.

During the whole course of our forty-five years' government, and under all the changes of circumstances, we have made the welfare of the country, and the happiness of our subjects, the sole object of our endeavours; and have found the highest reward for all our cares, in the ever equal confidence and immoveable attachment of our people. We make ourselves assured of receiving still continued proofs of these sentiments, which are most conspicuously shewn in times of trouble; and we thus hope, with the assistance of God, soon to re

turn to our beloved subjects, and again to employ ourselves for their durable welfare to the best of our ability.

All the officers of the kingdom are to remain in their usual occupations during our absence. The care of the country's welfare, in all occurrences and situations which may be produced by the state of war, we have devolved on an immediate council established here; to which all magistrates and subjects of our kingdom have to apply under the circumstances beforementioned, and to follow its directions in all cases.

We again exhort our faithful subjects, to support the ancient renown of the Saxon nation, by a peaceable and orderly conduct, consistent with the unalterable sentiments and intentions which have always influenced us for the true prosperity of our native country.

Done and given under our proper signature, and with the impression of our royal seal, at Dresden, the 23d February, 1813. (Signed) FREDERICK AUGUSTUS.

Washington, March 4.

At twelve o'clock this day, James Madison, the President of the United States elect, having attended at the capitol for the purpose of taking the oath of office, delivered to the vast concourse of people assembled on the occasion, the following speech:

"About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligation imposed by a second call to the station in which my country has here before placed me, I find in the presence of this respectable assembly, an oppor

opportunity of publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence, and of the responsibility united with it. The impressions on me are strengthened by such an evidence, that my faithful endeavours to discharge my arduous duties have been favourably estimated; and by a consideration on the momentous period at which the trust has been renewed. From the weight and magnitude now belonging to it, I should be compelled to shrink, if I had less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and feel less deeply a conviction, that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so prominent a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which invites the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful ter

mination.

"May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption, when we reflect on the characters by which this war is distinguished?

"It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been long made on them in reality though not in name-until arguments and expostulations had been exhausted-until a positive declaration had been received that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued-nor until this appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in its political institutions; and either perpetuating a state of disgraceful suffering, or regaining by more costly sacrifices and more severe struggles, our lost rank and respect among independent powers.

"On the issue of the war are

staked our national sovereignty on the high seas, and security of an important class of citizens, whose occupations give the proper value to those of every other class. Not to contend for such a stake, is to surrender our equality with other. powers on the element common to all, and to violate the sacred title which every member of the society has to its protection.

"I need not call into view the unlawfulness of the practice, by which our mariners are forced, at the will of every cruising officer, from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages inseparable from it. The proofs are in the records of each successive administration of our government, and the cruel sufferings of that portion of the American people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the sympathies of human nature.

"As the war was just in its origin, and necessary and noble in its objects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction, that, in carrying it on, no principle of justice or Lonour, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of courtesy or humanity, bave been infringed. The war has been waged, on our part, with scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and in a spirit of liberality which was never surpassed.

"How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of the enemy. They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States, not liable to be so considered under the usages of war.

"They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to punish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without re

straint

straint to the United States; incorporated by naturalization into our political family, and fighting under the authority of their adopted country, in open and honourable war, for the maintenance of its rights and safety. Such is the avowed purpose of a government, which is in the practice of naturalizing, by thousands, citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting but compelling them to fight its battles against their native country.

"They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and the knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre; but they have let loose the savages armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them into their service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut their savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished, and to finish the work of torture and death on maimed and defenceless captives: aud, what was never seen before, British commanders have extorted victory over the unconquerable valour of our troops, by presenting to the sympathy of their chief awaiting massacre from their savage as sociates.

"And now we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honourable warfare, supplying the place of a conquering force, by attempts to disorganize our political society, to dismember our confederated republic. Happily, like others, those will recoil on the authors; but they mark the degenerate councils from which they emanate; and if they did not belong to a series of unexampled inconsistencies, might excite the greater wonder, as proceeding from

a government which founded the very war in which it has been so long engaged, on a charge against the disorganizing and insurrectional policy of its adversary.

"To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest manifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword was scarcely out of the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of the reasonable terms on which it would be re-sheathed. Still more precise advances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding every reliance not placed in the military resources of the nation.

"These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honourable issue. Our nation is, in number, more than half that of the British isles. It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people. Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and comforts of life. A general prosperity is visible in the public countenance. The means employed by the British cabinet to undermine it, have recoiled on themselves; have given to our national faculties a more rapid developement; and, draining or diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults, have poured them into those of the United States. It is a propitious consideration, that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for the cou tributions required to support it. When the public voice called for war, all knew, and still know, that without them it could not be carried on through the period which

it might last; and the patriotism, the good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow citizens, are pledges for the cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden. To render the war short, and its success sure, animated and systematic exertions alone are necessary; and the success of our arms now, may long preserve our country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our inherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element. If the reputation of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic enterprize assure us, that nothing is wanting to correspondent triumphs there also, but the discipline and habits which are in daily progress."

Treaty between Russia and Sweden.-Substance of the Engagements between the Courts of St. Petersburgh and Stockholm, signed at St. Petersburgh the 24th of March, 1812, so far as the same are referred to in the Treaty between his Majesty and the King of Sweden, signed at Stockholm on the 3d of March,

1813.

The object of the Emperor of Russia and the King of Sweden in forming an alliance, is stated to be for the purpose of securing reciprocally their states and possessions against the common enemy.

The French government having by the occupation of Swedish Pomerania committed an act of hostility

against the Swedish government, and by the movement of its armies having menaced the tranquillity of the empire of Russia, the contracting parties engage to make a diversion against France and her allies, with a combined force of twenty-five or thirty thousand Swedes, and of fifteen or twenty thousand Russians, upon such point of the coast of Germany as may be judged most convenient for that purpose.

As the King of Sweden cannot make this diversion in favour of the common cause, consistently with the security of his dominions, so long as he can regard the kingdom of Norway as an enemy, his Majesty the Emperor of Russia engages, either by negociation or by military co-operation, to unite the kingdom of Norway to Sweden. He engages, moreover, to guarantee the peaceable possession of it to his Swedish Majesty.

The two contracting parties engage to consider the acquisition of Norway by Sweden as a preliminary military operation to the diversion on the coast of Germany; and the Emperor of Russia promises to place for this object, at the disposal and under the immediate orders of the Prince Royal of Sweden, the corps of Russian troops above stipulated.

The two contracting parties being unwilling, if it can be avoided, to make an enemy of the King of Denmark, will propose to that Sovereign to accede to this alliance; and will offer to his Danish Majesty to procure for him a complete indemnity for Norway, by a territory more contiguous to his German dominions, provided bis Danish Majesty will cede for ever his