council should be assembled. The Pope was to be left free to correspond with the bishops and the whole of the Catholic world without any interference on the part of the Italian Government. He was to have a post-office and telegraphic service of his own for each of his palaces; and all the papal seminaries, academies, universities, and colleges in Rome and the suburban dioceses were to be solely under his control. In the second part of the Bill-that referring to the relations between Church and State-the Government gave up the privilege it had hitherto possessed of presenting and nominating persons to offices or benefices in the Church, on the condition that Italian subjects only should be appointed; it also exempted the bishops from the duty of taking the oath of allegiance to the King. The exequatur and the placitum regium were abolished as regarded all decrees and publications of the ecclesiastical authorities, with the exception of those relating to Church property. It was decreed that no appeal should be allowed against a sentence of the ecclesiastical courts; but, on the other hand, that the civil authorities should not be permitted to assist in any way in executing such sentences.

The unrestricted concession to the Pope of the right of appointing bishops, the entire realization of the "Free Church in the Free State," was a bold conception of Italian statesmanship. Some thought it too bold; but, at all events, it put the Pope in a difficulty. He shrank from any appearance of acting in Church matters in virtue of laws made by Victor Emmanuel, and for a time preferred leaving vacant the sees that fell in, to availing himself of his new privilege to fill them without reference to a royal exequatur.

Ón the 16th of June took place the celebration of the Pope's jubilee. He had completed the twenty-fifth year of his pontificate, and thus outlived the popular superstition, which predicted that no see Peter's years." There successor of the Apostle should ever was, indeed, a saving clause for those who wished still to maintain the superstition. The Founder of the Roman Church, they said, had been a Prince as well as a Chief Priest in the Eternal City for his quarter of a century; the temporal sway of Pius IX. had come to an end in September, 1870. The jubilee was attended by deputations of the faithful from all regions of Europe, and congratulations were offered by Protestant as well as Roman Catholic potentates. Large offerings were brought of money, and plate, and pious vows. The square of the Vatican was crowded with Roman and foreign equipages. The black and white cross made frequent show among the multitudes. St. Peter's Church was magnificently decorated and lighted up for the occasion. A congregation of 20,000 persons assembled to hear Mass chanted by the Patriarch of Constantinople. But at the solemn service held there one element was conspicuous by its absence. No soldiers stood on guard, as of yore, to testify the existence of the Pope's temporal Power. For the rest, the Papalini were allowed to have things much their own way on this day of high festival. Their attempts at exciting popular

feeling against the Government were simply ignored: and, indeed, the popular feeling seemed in no mood to be excited. Very few Roman citizens attended the ceremonies; the shops were kept open; the inhabitants pursued for the most part their ordinary avocations. Next day they had a peaceful opportunity of showing that, in spite of priestly and papal denunciations, their hearts were really with the wicked usurper who had put an end to the sovereignty of the Pope-King. The whole city blazed with an imbandierata, or display of colours, and the colours were the national colours, the ensigns of Victor Emmanuel. There was scarcely a house that did not show its flag. It was on this occasion that something like a disturbance took place. The national flag was hoisted by the landlord of an hotel in which conspicuous rooms were occupied by the family of an English Roman Catholic nobleman, Lord Gainsborough. Mr. Noel, Lord Gainsborough's son, tore down the flag in anger. The crowd outside witnessed the act, and raised a cry of indignation. The landlord, frightened, had the flag replaced, and it was greeted with shouts of "Viva l'Italia! Viva Vittorio Emanuele !" "Viva Pio Nono, Papa e Rè!" shouted young Noel in reply, rushing out on the balcony. A riot ensued. Lord Gainsborough insisted on having the flag taken down. The proprietor remonstrated, and refused. Finally, the English political agent and Monsignore Capel arrived, and persuaded the Gainsborough family to leave the hotel by a side-door, instead of advancing in face of the mob, as they had announced their intention of doing.

It was the Pope's fate this year that on every public occasion, the shadow of his evil genius projected itself before his pathway. A week before the Jubilee the Italian minister had issued a circular, announcing that the transfer of the Capital from Florence to Rome was to take place on the 1st of July. On the second day of that month, King Victor Emmanuel was received at the railway-station by his Ministers, by deputations from the Senate and Chamber, by the syndic and municipality of Rome, all the civil and military authorities, and the syndics of all the cities of Italy; and entering a state carriage, Prince Humbert riding on horseback by his side, he proceeded to the city. The Piazza of the Baths of Diocletian, the Via San Niccolò Tolentino, and the Piazza Barberini, the streets Vie Due Macelli, Condotti, Corso, and Delle Muratti, up to the steps of the Quirinal, were lined by 150,000 persons, and the great majority of this mass were either Romans or natives of the Pontifical States. The whole city was decorated with tricolour flags. Victor Emmanuel wore the uniform of a general, and was accompanied in the carriage by his aide-de-camp, General de Sonnaz, by the President of the Council of Ministers, and by Prince Pallavicini, syndic of Rome. Other carriages followed, and the procession was completed by an escort of the cuirassiers, or hundred guards, and the mounted National Guard. A tumult of cheers hailed the cortége along the whole route, while from every balcony and window and housetop throngs of women showered bouquets on their elected

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sovereign. The King no sooner alighted at the Quirinal than he [1871. responded to the shouts of the multitude by appearing on the balcony and delivering a congratulatory speech. Then followed a grand banquet, a visit to the Theatre Apollo, an illumination, and next day a review, a ball at the Capitol, and a torchlight return to the Quirinal. The patriotic dream of Machiavelli might seem at last fulfilled.

The opening of the Mont Cenis Railway Tunnel, on the 17th of September, was an occasion of festive rejoicings at Turin. The completion of this great work was indeed an era in the history of engineering. and it reflected distinguished credit on the Italian energy and enterprise which had carried it through. The work had been originally taken in hand by Sardinia, with but inadequate means, in 1857. When Savoy fell to the French, in 1860, the Government of Napoleon III. offered to help towards the expense, increasing the rate of subsidy according to the rapidity with which the works should be pushed on. North Italy, in 1866, France took fright about the Mont Cenis railBut after the consolidation of way, and threw every hindrance in the way of its completion, lest the continued line to the East, by way of Brindisi, should cut out her own Marseilles route. As it happened, the delay which she did in fact interpose for five years, helped to turn attention to other possible ways of access to Brindisi, and, in particular, induced the Italian Government to grant ample subsidies to the Swiss line of the St. Gothard. Italy had engaged, by the Convention of Berne, to contribute as much as 45 million francs to this work, the remainder being supplied by the German States and the Swiss Cantons. In a parliamentary debate, which took place in June this year, the Opposition urged that Italy had been taken in for too large a share of the expense, and a counter-line by the Splügen was suggested as more advantageous to her interests. made on the subject, and the Government only carried their own An obstinate struggle was point, of adhesion to the Berne Convention in favour of the St. Gothard line, by making it a Cabinet question. It is supposed that this line, partly from its political and partly from its geographical position, will possess advantages to the trade and intercourse of the whole world, even superior to those which are already secured by the Mont Cenis route.

There was some apprehension of a riot at Rome on the 20th of September, when the anniversary of the entry of the Italian army was celebrated by the troops and National Guards, and by the Trade Societies of the city. The King being aware that the Ultramontanes had made an alliance with the Republicans, and that a proposal was on foot for proclaiming the Republic from the Capitol, addressed himself to Garibaldi, and exhorted him in the name of their common country and the perils they had both encountered on the same battle-fields, loyally to give his aid to the maintenance of the monarchy and the tranquillization of the public mind. In obedience to the wishes of the King, the old general

sent his son Ricciotti to Naples and Rome. In these two cities Ricciotti put himself in communication with all the leading men of the Republican party, and implored them to avoid a premature proclamation of the Republic, which, as matters actually stood, could be profitable only to the priests. He also visited the neighbourhood of Rome, and urged his representations with skill and tact at Albano, Genzano and Marino, where the Republicans were numerous. In fine, he passed the day of the 20th of September at Rome, watching over the maintenance of order. The frank and loyal support accorded by Garibaldi to the Italian Government entirely destroyed the plot, and the consequence was that complete tranquillity characterized the anniversary at Rome in particular and in Italy generally. But it was rumoured that large numbers of Revolutionists, Communists, and Internationalists had availed themselves of this occasion to make their way into the Capital, and that they were preparing a plot of alarming proportions to burst into action during the course of the autumn. It was a relief to many minds when the "Working Men's Congress," in the first week of November, promoted by Mazzini, through the agency of the Ligurian Societies, turned out after all a very harmless affair. Many societies in the principal cities refrained from sending deputies to the meeting. The Roman workmen of all classes held aloof. Seventy-one delegates only appeared, and these fell out amongst themselves. Among them was a small number of avowed Internationalists, who, finding they could not carry their own extreme views, broke away and absented themselves altogether from the last sittings. A portion of the delegates declared themselves disbelievers in the political creed of Mazzini, and stated that if, as some desired, it was promulgated as a dogma, the societies they represented would be obliged to withdraw from connexion with the rest. Others protested against politics forming any part of their deliberations, on the ground that the societies which had delegated them had only given them power to discuss questions relative to the moral and material interests of their class. The general result seemed to show that for the present, at least, Italy had nothing to fear from revolutionists, whether Republican or International; that the Roman working men were indisposed to accept Mazzinian infallibility in exchange for the Papal infallibility they had rejected. It would appear that a letter of Garibaldi's, written on the 21st of October, and showing the wide divergence of opinion, if not actual dissension, existing between himself and Mazzini, contributed much to the complete failure of this attempt to make Rome the centre of the revolutionary .movement.

The demonstrations at Rome this year continued to present a series of the sharpest contrasts. A few days before the Working Men's Congress the Pope had held his Secret Consistory, for the purpose of at last filling up the vacant sees in the Italian kingdom, and took the occasion to deliver an "Allocution," inveighing against the iniquitous proceedings of the Italian Government, repudiating the

Papal Guarantees, claiming to act, not in virtue of any boon accorded to him by the King of Italy, but by his indefeasible authority as Vicar of Christ, denouncing the opponents of the Ecumenical Council and the State Ministers who had protected them; and, per contra, according his approval to the Archbishop of Munich and the other Infallibilist prelates. On this side of things, indeed, he had a sense of triumph to console him. Before the year closed, every surviving bishop who had resisted the Infallibility dogma at the Vatican Council, had recanted, with the sole exception of Strossmeyer. About the "Preconization" he still hesitated, in spite of his Allocution, and the ceremony did not take place till December, when 28 Bishops-19 of them Italians and 3 French— were appointed, under the new constitution of ecclesiastical affairs.

The crowning ceremony of this year of demonstrations was the inauguration of the First Italian Parliament held in Rome, on the 27th of November. King Victor Emmanuel opened the Chambers in the great Hall on Monte Citorio, with an impressive speech, during the delivery of which his voice was frequently broken with emotion. The opening paragraphs were composed entirely by himself. "The work to which we have consecrated our life," he said, " is completed; after long expiatory trials Italy is restored to herself and to Rome! Here, where our people, after the dispersion of many centuries finds itself for the first time assembled in the majesty of its representatives; here, where we recognize the country of our thoughts, every thing speaks to us of greatness, but every thing at the same time reminds us of our duties: we shall not forget them in the joys of this day." The King continued to the following effect :

"Regenerated by liberty, we shall seek in liberty and order the secret of strength and a reconciliation between the Church and the State. Having recognized the absolute independence of the spiritual authority, we may be certain that Rome, as the capital of Italy, will continue to be the peaceful and respected seat of the Pontificate. We shall thereby succeed in reassuring the consciences of men. Thus, by the firmness of our resolution, and the moderation of our acts, we have been able to accomplish the unity of the nation without detriment to our friendly relations with foreign Powers. The Bills which will be laid before you to settle the future position of the ecclesiastical corporations will be in harmony with Liberal principles; they will only relate to bodies and landed properties subject to the law, leaving untouched those religious institutions which have a share in the Government of the Universal Church.

"Now that Italy is constituted we must devote our attention to. rendering her prosperous by restoring her finances. Financial men will furnish us with the means of strengthening the military organization. My most ardent wishes are for the maintenance of peace, and nothing leads us to fear that it will be disturbed; but the renewal of the national armaments and the works for the defence of our territory require long and searching studies. The future