should be established or not, the alternative in despotic monarchies being conscription. The general-liability principle was decided upon by the Government of the Czar, and committees were appointed to reconstruct the army accordingly. The measures decided upon were the following:-The period of service to commence, as a rule, at the age of twenty-one, and to last fifteen years. The pupils of the middle schools, however, only to be drafted into the army at the age of twenty-two, and the students of the higher schools and universities allowed to postpone their service until the age of twenty-seven. The period of active service to vary according to the degree of education. Those who have passed through the university course to serve continuously in the army for six months only; those who have completed their studies at a gymnasium or a lyceum, for a year; and so on, down to those who can neither read nor write, and who will have to give six years' active service. Large classes of persons were held to be exempted from service; among them, only sons, artisans (under certain conditions), clergymen of all creeds, teachers, physicians, &c. There might be other causes of exemption, as domestic circumstances, pecuniary means, educational considerations, and so forth. Notwithstanding these exemptions, it was calculated that the army would consist, in time of war, of 1,653,393 men and 50,954 officers of all ranks. Of these, 32,817 officers and 1,332,543 soldiers would be stationed in European Russia, and 4071 officers and 163,211 soldiers in the Caucasus. There would be in all 1293 battalions of infantry, 280 squadrons of cavalry, and 2574 guns. In time of peace the number of troops under arms would be 34,707 officers and 730,000 soldiers (exclusive of 37,000 men for local depôts), and the number of troops who could at once be mobilized in case of a war would be 1,234,460.

The Conference held in London to reconsider the Treaty of 1856 decided to abrogate the clauses respecting the neutralization of the Black Sea; and the preliminary declaration made in consequence of the abrupt announcement of Prince Gortschakoff in the preceding autumn, to the effect that no Power had a right to liberate itself at pleasure from Treaty engagements, was very little to set against the tangible advantages which resulted to Russia from the change.

In the month of July an important trial took place at St. Petersburg, connected with a sect which professed revolutionary tenets beyond the extreme of International Association doctrines. The "Nihilists," as they called themselves, were an offshoot of Russian extravagance on the Socialist stock. Their agitation began with some students' riots in the spring of 1869, its chief promoters being three men named Netchajeff, Orloff, and Ikatscheff. In the autumn of that year a secret society was formed at Moscow with branches in various other towns. This society was well provided with funds; it had a special seal and cipher of its own, and any breach of its regulations was punished with death. Every new member of the

society, after swearing to observe its regulations, was attached to a "circle" of five persons, who acted together, but were kept entirely ignorant of the constitution of the other circles. The "circles" were placed under the orders of a "section;" but the section, when communicating with a circle, never mentioned its members by name; each of them was distinguished in the society by a number only. At the head of the society was a committee which exercised judicial functions, and whose members, like those of the "section" and the "circles," were unknown to the other conspirators. The means by which the object of the society was to be attained were at first much discussed. Some proposed that the overthrow of the Government should be brought about by a gradual propagation of socialist ideas among the masses; others, among whom was Netchajeff, that steps should at once be taken for producing a popular insurrection. Ultimately it was decided to adopt Netchajeff's proposal. A series of inflammatory proclamations were accordingly circulated among the people; and it would seem, in the words of the act of accusation against them, that the object of the new conspirators was "to bring about a popular insurrection by a series of assassinations in the highest spheres of the Government, which would create such confusion as to enable them to work on the masses by false reports and misrepresentations of the acts of the authorities, and lead ultimately to that general disorganization of society at which they aimed."

The opinions of the "Nihilists," as set forth in a "programme," seemed to consist simply in regarding with dissatisfaction, doubt, protest, and meditated rebellion every established ordinance. The "Nihilist" was a moral Berserker; he was positively absorbed in the one idea and passion of Revolution: for this he was prepared to sacrifice every thing. The present prosecution resulted in the condemnation of eleven of the sect to different degrees of punishment.

In the early part of the summer Cardinal Antonelli made overtures for a reconciliation between Russia and the Holy See, based on certain mutual concessions. Russia, it would seem, was asked to abolish the Synod appointed by the Government to administer the affairs of the Roman Catholic Church in the Empire, and to permit the publication of the doctrine of Papal infallibility, in return for which the Pope would be prepared not only to confirm all the appointments lately made by the Russian Government to bishoprics, but also to exercise his influence to induce the Polish clergy and laity "conscientiously to fulfil their duties to the Emperor as his subjects." It was decided, however, by the Russian Government to maintain "an attitude of expectation" with regard to the Holy See until the opposition to the Papal pretensions which had manifested itself in Germany, Hungary, and other countries should more fully develope itself.

Later in the year we have notice of a sentiment tending towards union between the German "Old Catholics," or Döllinger party, and the Russian Church. The matter was discussed in various journals, and differing conclusions as to its practicability were arrived at.

The cholera burst out with some severity at St. Petersburg this

summer.

As the year began, so it closed, with a movement of fraternization towards the new German Empire. The Czar sent an invitation to the German Knights of St. George to celebrate at his capital the day of their patron Saint. They came, an illustrious band, the heroes of the late war: Prince Frederick Charles, Prince Augustus of Würtemberg, Prince Hohenlohe-Tafelfingen, General Alvensleben, General Werder, General Badritzky; and last, not least, the great Von Moltke, Field-Marshal and Count. It was during the progress of the contest that Alexander of Russia had bestowed on these warriors the highest military Order of his Empire. It was a sign of his good will, then, when the world stood dubious of the temper of the neutral Powers; and now that peace had returned, this festival reunion at St. Petersburg seemed to betoken that he was as far as ever from giving real encouragement to the prospects recently vaunted by sanguine French politicians, of a Franco-Russian alliance which was one day to wreak signal retribution on the ambitious House of Hohenzollern. And yet there was even now an undercurrent of national impulses at work, from which close observers augured that Russia might before long have to take up a distinct and rival, if not an antagonist, position to that occupied by the representatives of German unity. The Slavonic populations, whose struggles in Austria this year had almost rent the walls of the Constitution in that heterogenous Empire, and whose discontent within the borders of Germany had been one of the many difficulties in Bismarck's path, showed signs of an attraction of sympathy towards the one great European Power with which they were allied by race; and Pan-Slavism, under the headship of Russia, became a favourite cry with revolutionary spirits. Much was said of the new intimate relations growing up between the Czar and Prince Milan of Servia, in connexion with the idea of a new South Slavonic Empire which was to have its seat at Belgrade. Even the antipathies of the Poles towards their Russian masters seemed inclined to efface themselves in hopes of a Pan-Slavonic regeneration. A remarkable article in the St. Petersburg Gazette, a semi-official organ which appeared about Christmas, gave recognition to these anticipations, while it deprecated any eager pressure for their fulfilment. The article gives a very interesting exposition of the political situation in Russia at the present moment, and we will proceed to extract some of the passages in it which bear on the Pan-Slavonic question.

"We cannot deny that there is something in the opinion of those who, looking at the recent innovation in Austria, contend that we cannot allow a system to be established on our very frontiers which aims at strengthening our principal enemies and at weakening our natural allies. The changes which are being made in Austria concern us not only as neighbours, but also as co-nationalists of the numerous Slavonian tribes, whose fate is greatly imperilled by recent

events. Without wishing to exaggerate possible dangers, we yet cannot help saying that if the Austrian crisis were to assume an aspect prejudicial to ourselves, the simplest means of averting evil would be to acknowledge the peril and act calmly and resolutely. We, of course, have no wish to unite the various Slavonian tribes under Russian hegemony. On the contrary, we combat this idea and hold that those advocating it will only arouse national sensibilities and create difficulties which it is not our interest to nourish nor the interest of the Slavonians either. The enthusiasts recommending this grand design are in the habit of telling us that we should imitate the example of German unity, and that we have an equal right with our Western neighbours to form our co-nationalists into a compact whole. They forget that German unity is the result of the history of a thousand years, that it was preceded by an uncommonly high degree of civilization, and that the people who succeeded in establishing it had long before attained military, financial, and political power of no ordinary extent. They likewise lose sight of the fact that, notwithstanding all these advantages, the Germans had to carry on a prolonged national movement, and to go through a war which, but for the egregious mistakes of the Napoleonic policy, might have had a less favourable result. And after all this, unity, in the sense in which the term is most frequently used, has not yet been fully secured. It is even doubtful whether what has been established after so many years of toil will outlast the present enthusiastic period. Are there no separatistic elements in Germany endeavouring to modify or break up unity?

"The Slavonian tribes are differently situated; their history, being of more recent date, has not yet been developed to the same degree of maturity. Still their destinies are being gradually worked out. To accelerate the process would be to court the fatalities of chance. There is no need to do this, considering that the national existence of the Slavonian world is no longer a subject of doubt. Henceforth no human power can succeed in erasing this grand fact from history. Already Austria endeavours to conciliate the Slavonian inhabitants of her provinces, and is intent upon changes which may ultimately produce fresh elements of culture, progress, and power. The process is certainly fraught with difficulties, and the first experiments have been frustrated by the agency of antagonistic elements. But there is no cause to despair. Similar exertions are being made in Turkey, where Islamism, relying upon the population of Asia Minor, offers even a greater obstacle. If this is so,

is it our interest, or the interest of the Slavonian tribes, to interrupt this continuous process, and interfere with the labour of a whole race, who are toiling to call into existence a new national element ? The work may be slow and obstructed at every turn, but it is, nevertheless, steadily progressing. To precipitate an historical evolution of this magnitude would be to diminish its vitality, and, perhaps, bring it to a complete standstill.

"By becoming what she is, Russia has conferred an immenso

....

service upon all nations of Slavonic descent. A great military Power, with a language, civilization, and literature of her own, she has developed a national type which is a powerful help to the scattered members of the Slavonic family, oppressed by the strong arm or devoured by the superior civilization of foreigners. To continue her course of domestic invigoration, and abide by her pacific policy, is the greatest boon Russia can confer upon the Slavonians. Russia would injure herself as well as the Slavonians were she, while unattacked, to exhaust her resources in a struggle, the more dangerous for being premature. The greatest enemy of the Slavonians is that imprudent Panslavism which prevents their being accorded those political rights so necessary to reach national autonomy. No Government will submit to a portion of their subjects systematically opposing them and obeying inspirations coming from abroad.. The distribution of the various tribes among the historical monarchies of Europe is, moreover, a law of Providence destined to promote progress. Portions of the same nationality being assigned to different States, peace receives an additional guarantee. In the olden times, when national and linguistic frontiers coincided, wars were more frequent and terrible; and, in the conflict we have just witnessed, had all Latin races stood on one side, and all Teutonic on the other, the collision would have been infinitely more fearful than it was. We are indebted to the historical and geographical divisions which have in course of time supervened between men of the same race that these gigantic struggles between nation and nation are no longer possible.

Russia

"Peace being a general necessity, we may hope that it will be preserved. France needs it to recover her strength. Germany is anxious to consolidate unity, and has no wish to endanger the precious fruits of victory by too much enterprise. Austria has no more immediate interest than to set her house in order. prizes peace as the one thing needful to secure her advancement in wealth, culture, and reform. Unwilling to attack, she is too strong to dread being attacked. It would be well if the motives animating the pacific action of the Powers were duly appreciated by the Press, and employed as a means of allaying susceptibilities and dispelling prejudice. Let us hope that the really well intentioned among journalists will imitate the example set them by the various Governments."

TURKEY.

In consequence of the revision of the Black Sea Treaty at the Conference of London, the Porte made a new set of regulations relative to the passage of the Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus by merchant-vessels. Hitherto ships going to the Mediterranean had been obliged to stop at the Castles of the Dardanelles and lower a boat in order to land their firman. This measure exposed them to great inconvenience, and also to some danger, on account of the