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system, while the others were under the lords-lieutenant, and on a footing of non-purchase. It was impossible to stir a step therefore without coming to a decision on these points, and after summing up the arguments for and against the purchase-system, Mr. Cardwell announced, amid loud cheers from his own side of the House, that the Government had determined to propose its abolition. This decision involved the necessity of accepting a system of retirement and promotion by selection as distinguished from seniority, and in addition the payment of a large sum of money by way of compensation, which he calculated would range from 7,400,0007. to 8,400,0001. After a certain day to be named in the Bill no pecuniary interest would be taken by any one in any new commission : but no officer would be the worse in a pecuniary sense by the abolition of purchase, for the over-regulation, as well as the regulation price would be paid. A commission would be appointed to ascertain the overregulation price in every regiment, and with money from the Consolidated Fund, would stand in the place of a purchaser to the officer who wished to sell out, to retire on half-pay, &c. The regulations under which this commission would act were minutely explained by Mr. Cardwell, and he mentioned that the number allowed to retire each year would be limited to the average of the last five years. With regard to first commissions, they would be given without purchase to the general public by competitive examination, to subalterns of militia regiments after two years' good service, and, as before, to non-commissioned officers. The selection of officers for promotion would be vested in the Commander-inChief, under the guidance of elaborate regulations; and, while promotions in the lower ranks would be regimental, from captain to lieutenant-colonel they would be army promotions, and the period of service would be limited. Mr. Cardwell next explained his proposals for the reorganization of the auxiliary forces, which were to be transferred from the lords-lieutenant to the direct control of the Queen. In every district there would be a colonel of the staff attached to the general for every 15,000 or 20,000 of the auxiliary forces, who would be in command of them and responsible for them. Promotions would be made in the same manner as in the regular forces, and more frequent opportunities would be taken to brigade the militia and volunteers with the regulars, to send the volunteers to camps of instruction (where they would be under the Mutiny Act) to require stricter proofs of competence from officers, and more frequent and regular attendance from the men. Mr. Cardwell mentioned also many other minor changes which it was proposed to make. For instance, the exemption from the ballot in the case of the volunteers was to be abolished, and if a corps was not satisfactorily reported on by the inspecting officer the grant would be withdrawn. With regard to the regular army, steps would be taken to give a local connexion to every regiment, and local centres of training would be established both for the regulars and militia.

Although much dissatisfaction with the provisions of this Bill

was afterwards expressed, this opening statement of Mr. Cardwell was received with general approval. Not so a rider thereto which was shortly afterwards moved by Mr. Trevelyan, who was, perhaps, somewhat to be pitied for thus having, as Mr. Osborne phrased it, his “pocket picked ” of his original scheme. That it might not, at all events, be picked of his intended speech, he came forward pending the discussion of Mr. Cardwell's Bill, and moved the following resolutions with reference to army administration:-“ That in the opinion of this House no scheme for military reorganization can be regarded as complete which does not alter the tenure of the Command-in-Chief in such a manner as to enable the Secretary of State for War to avail himself freely of the best administrative talent and the most recent military experience from time to time existing in the British army. That the consideration of the cost involved in the abolition of the purchase-system urgently calls for the immediate removal of obsolete and antiquated sources of military expenditure.” Pressing his resolutions to a division, Mr. Trevelyan was beaten by 201 to 83.

Mr. Forster introduced a Ballot Bill soon after the commencement of the Session, and before Easter the Bill, by arrangement, was read a second time without a division. Its substance was as follows :

1. The · Bill shall apply to municipal as well as Parliamentary elections.

2. No paper except the official paper shall be used—that is to say, the object of the ballot shall not be defeated by the use of a somewhat similar paper, which would enable it to be ascertained how the vote had been given.

3. The voting-paper shall not be given to the voter until he enters

the voting-booth. 4. The voter is not to be permitted to put any mark upon the voting-paper except that which is necessary to show for whom the vote is given; and in the event of that regulation being violated, the vote will be cancelled.

5. The returning officer, as he gives out his paper to each voter, shall impress it with his stamp, the character of which he shall be bound to keep secret, and which shall not be used again until a certain fixed time shall have expired. Then, when the boxes come to be opened, each unstamped voting-paper shall be rejected as void.

6. When a voting-paper has once been put in the ballot-box, the box shall not be opened except under such precautions as shall secure the inviolability of the vote.

7. Where, in a case of reopening the question of the number of votes, it is found a vote is bad, it shall be struck off from the total of the candidate for whom it has been recorded ; and also, where an elector tendering his vote finds some one else has voted for him the vote shall be kept aside, and under certain circumstances counted for the candidate in whose favour he had intended to vote.

8. The same penalties shall be attached to personation that now attach to bribery and treating. The candidate shall lose his seat for procuring or attempting to procure personation.

9. Any candidate who does not include all his expenses in his election return, or who with his own hands has paid expenses which ought to have passed through the hands of his agent, shall lose his seat.

10. The use of public-houses as committee-rooms during the progress of elections is prohibited.

11. The old plan of nominating candidates and making the final declaration of the poll is abolished.

12. The expenses of the returning officer shall be paid out of the local rates.

In consequence of the prolonged debates on the Army Bill, it was found impossible to proceed with the Ballot Bill until late in June, when it was accepted by the Commons, but thrown out by the Lords. In February, also, Mr. Bruce brought in his Trades' Unions Bill. Prefacing the exposition of its provisions by a careful survey of legislation on this subject from the Statute of Labourers down to the present time, he showed how the doctrine of combination in restraint of trade had been gradually turned to the disadvantage of workmen and their societies; and, while censuring some of the objects of Trades' Unions, he maintained that their main object, the protection of the legitimate interests of the workmen, was deserving of consideration. The Bill, therefore, would proceed on the principle of putting employers and workmen on a footing of perfect equality. In the first place it would sweep away all the civil disabilities imposed on Trades' Unions, with certain exceptions. For instance, it would establish a system of optional registration (with publication of accounts, &c.), but those societies which registered would have the same privileges as friendly societies of summarily prosecuting defaulters, &c., while those who declined registration would be left to the more circuitous procedure of Gurney's Act. The penal enactments of the Statute of George IV. would be repealed, but certain offences would be retained, defined more precisely, and punished more summarily. Threats and intimidation, for instance, would be limited to personal violence and punished summarily, but only in cases where a man might now be bound over to keep the peace. Molestation and obstruction would also be punishable, and, among other things, would be defined to include acts of personal violence, dogging a man from place to place, hiding his tools, besetting his house or workshop, and the like.

Though at an early period of the session, Mr. Grant Duff failed to procure a large attendance of members to listen to his lucid and exhaustive exposition of the Indian Budget. He drew it from two sources—the actual accounts of the year ending March 31, 1870, and a telegraphic summary of the approximate accounts of the year just ended. In the year 1869-70 India had a deficit of 20,0001., but for the year 1870-71 there was a surplus of a million, chiefly arising from opium, the income being 51,000,0001., and the expenditure 50,000,0001. But the receipts of the year 1869-70 were better than those of the preceding year by 1,638,395l., the great increase being in the land revenue, while the Customs had fallen off, and the opium revenue had decreased by half a million. On the other side of the account there was a comparative reduction in expenditure of 1,254,5091., the chief reduction being in ordinary public works. Passing to the year just begun, Mr. Grant Duff held out the hope that, unless some unexpected calamity occurred, the income-tax would be reduced, and explained the details of the experiment about to be tried of decentralizing Indian finance. As usual, there would be a difficulty in making both ends meet; and Mr. Grant Duff went on to discuss the alternative modes of facilitating this process. A A sweeping reduction of expenditure was impossible; but, on the other hand, he pointed out that India has had peace for two years, and no calamities like the Orissa Famine; that successful efforts are being made to foster trade, and to develope the cultivation of cotton, &c. He drew attention, too, to such hopeful signs as the more frequent resort of natives to this country for education, and to the improvements in the administration of justice an employment in which intelligent young natives specially distinguished themselves.

The House was more interested in a discussion on the Princess Louise's dowry. The Queen's message relative to her marriage having been read, Mr. Gladstone rose to move a resolution granting an annuity of 60001. to her Royal Highness, which, he explained, would be supplemented in Committee of Supply by the grant of a dowry of 30,0001. He combated the objections which might be raised to it. In marrying her daughter to a subject, the Queen had not proceeded without the advice of her responsible Ministers, and she had acted in accordance with the womanly and motherly character which had always led her to choose for her daughters husbands on whose principles she could rely. The practice, too, was not a new one in our history; and it was quite agreeable to the usages and social spirit of the country. The provision was not immoderate, compared with analogous grants to the daughters of George III., for instance. Replying to the suggestion that the Crown ought to save out of its income for these purposes, he pointed out that, though the Queen's income was large, its application was to a great extent predetermined ; and that during the whole of the present reign, its economical management had been an example to every household in the country. The Civil List, he argued, when settled at the commencement of the reign, did not contemplate provisions of this nature, nor would it be convenient that it should. He pointed out that, though the Crown lands now produced an income only about equal to the Civil List, if they were managed in the same manner as a private estate, they would put the Sovereign in possession of the largest income in the country. What, for instance, if Hyde Park and the other metropolitan parks were cut up into building plots? But Mr. Gladstone put the proposition on higher grounds, dilating on the political importance of supporting the dignity of the Crown in a becoming manner, on the value of a stable dynasty, and on the unwisdom of entering into too minute pecuniary calculations on such an occasion. The motion was seconded by Mr. Disraeli, and was carried by acclamation. The marriage portion of 30,0007. to Princess Louise was carried by 350 against 1.

In the country, however, it must be confessed that the feeling on this subject was not quite so unanimous. At Nottingham the proposed grant had been condemned by a mass meeting, which separated with shouts for the English Republic; and at Birmingham Messrs. Dixon and Muntz could hardly obtain a hearing for their defence of it.

The feeling against the grant among the working classes probably arose chiefly from the Queen's persistent retirement, and the subsequent discovery of the really critical state of her health must have gone far to dispel that feeling.

CHAPTER II.

Further Proceedings in Parliament—The Westmeath Committee-Speeches of Lord

Hartington-Mr. Disraeli-Mr. Gladstone—Sir R. Peel-Mr. Osborne and others - Verdicts in Ireland - Debates on the Army Bill-Speeches of Colonel Loyd. Lindsay, Lord Elcho, Sir H. Storks, Sir J. Pakington, Mr. Trevelyan, Lord Bury, Mr. Osborne, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Gladstone, and others-Motion of Mr. Mundella-Abortive Measures-— The Licensing Bill and the successful opposition to it, The Local Taxation Bill—The Budget-The Match Tax-Its Withdrawal-Increased Income Tax-General Opinion of the Measure-Admiralty Changes- Mr. Goschen-The Dismissal of Sir Spencer Robinson.

The introduction of a Bill for the suppression of Ribandism in Westmeath and the neighbouring districts was a terrible tribute to the necessities of the moment. The law in Westmeath had been almost entirely superseded by an agrarian conspiracy. The very diminution in the number of reported crimes only proved that terror had superseded the necessity of murder. The Roman Catholic Bishop of the diocese, notwithstanding transparent evasions in his evidence, obviously desired the protection which he was afraid to demand or to justify, and more candid witnesses disclosed to a Select Committee the existence of a state of

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