convictions in the firmest souls, if beyond the the Spartans a disgust for intemperance; so it is church we did not see a heaven; and above the enough for us, as republicans, to see kings inpriest, a God, And here, citizens, on the thresh-toxicated with blood, to have forever a horror hold of this open tomb, in the midst of this thought of scaffolds. ful throng which surrounds this grave, the mo Yes, we declare it, and we call to witness this inent has come to sound a solemn word, that sea which binds Jersey to France, these fields, may take root and spring up in every conscience. this quiet nature around us, this England which Citizens at this present hour, this fatal hour is listening to us. The men of the revolutionwhich will be marked in times to come, the prin- whatever the Bonapartist calumniators may sayciple of absolutism, the old principle of the past, wish to re-enter France not as exterminators, triumphs all over Europe. It triumphs as it but as brothers. We call to witness our words, shouid triumph, by the sword, the ax, and the this holy heaven which glitters above us, shed. cord; by massacres and musketry; by tortures ding thoughts of peace and concord upon our and the scaffold. Despotism, that Moloch sur hearts; we call to witness our dead brother, rounded by human bones, celebrates her fearful who lies in that grave, and who, while I speak, mysteries in open sunlight, under the pontificate murmurs in his shroud, Yes, my brothers, reof a Haynau, a Bonaparte, and a Radetzsky.ject death! I have accepted it for myself; I would lu Hungary, the gallows; in Lombardy, the gal-not have it for others."" lows; in Sicily, the gallows; in France, the Citizens! these thoughts are in every man's guillotine, transportation, and exile. In the Pa-mind-I am only the interpreter of them. The pal States alone, I cite the Pope, who calls him- day of bloody revolutions has passed; for what self le roi de doncour; in the Papal states alone, reinains to be done, the indomitable law of prog. in the last three years sixteen hundred and forty ress will suffice. And moreover, let us be tranpatriots (the figures are authentic) have perished quil; everything combats for us in the great by shooting or hanging, without counting the in-battles we have still to fight-battles, whose evinumerable many who are buried alive in dun-dent necessity does not disturb the serenity of geons. At this moment, the continent, as in the the thinker; battles, in which the revolutionary worst periods of history, is encumbered with energy will equal the desperation of monarchy; scaffolds and corpses; and if, when the day comes, battles in which might, joined with right, will Revolution should seek to make for herself a flag overthrow violence allied to usurpation; superb, of the winding-sheets of the victims, the shadow glorious, enthusiastic, decisive battles, the event of that black flag would cover all Europe. This of which can not be doubtful, and which will be blood, which is flowing in streams and in tor-the Tolbiacs, the Hastingses, and the Austerlitzes rents, all this blood, democrats, is yours. of democracy. Citizens! the epoch of the disso And yet, citizens, in the presence of this satur-lution of the old world has arrived. The law of nalia of murder, in the presence of these infu-Providence has condemned the old despotisms. mous tribunals, where as assins sit in the robes Time, the shadowy grave-digger, is burying them. of the judge, in the presence of all these dear and Each declining day plunges them deeper into sacred corpses, in the presence of this dismal nothingness. God is throwing years upon thrones and ferocious victory of reaction; I declare sul-as we throw spades-full of earth upon a coffin. emnly in the name of the exiles of Jersey who And now, brothers, as we separate, let us shout have given ine the authority to do so; and I say the cry of triumph; let us shout the cry of il, too, in the name of all republican exiles-and awakening! It is near the grave that one should not one true republican voice will contradict me-speak of the resurrection. Yes, indeed, the fuI declare before this coffin of au exile, the second ture, an impending future, I repeat it, promises one we have lowered into the grave within ten to us the victory of the democratic idea in days, we the exiles, we the victims, we abjure, France; the future promises to us the victory of for the great and inevitable day of revolutionary the social idea. It promises more: it promises triumpli, all feeling, all desire, all idea of bloody that in every climate, under every sun, upon retribution. every continent, in America as well as in The guilty will be chastised; certainly-they Europe, an end shall come to oppression and will be; all of them, and severely this must be; to slavery. After the hard trials we are expebut not one head shall full; not one drop of blood,riencing, what we want is not only the emannot one splash from the scaffold, shall stain the cipation of this or that class of men which spotless robe of the republic of February. The has suffered long-the abolition of this or that hend even of the brigand of December shall be respected with honor by the progressive. The revolution will make a grander example of that man by changing his imperial purple for the jacket of the galley-slave. No, we will not retort on the scaffold by the scaffold. We repudiate the old, senseless law of retaliation. The law of retaliation, like the monarchy, is a part of the past; we repudiate the past. right all this we shall have but this is not enough. What we must have and what we shall get-never doubt it-what I, for my part, from the depths of this darkness of exile, contemplate with rupture, is the deliverance of every nation, the enfranchisement of all mankind! Friends, our sufferings give us a claim upon Providence. God owes us a reward. He is a faithful debtor; we shall receive it. Let u. then cherish a manly The death penalty, gloriously abolished by the faith, and make our sacrifice with gladness. OpRepublic of 1848, re-established odiously by Louis pressed of all nations, offer up your wounds; Boimparte, is abolished by us, and forever. We Poles, offer your misery: Hungarians, offer your have taken with us into exile the sacred duc-gibbet; Italians, offer your cross; heroic transtrine of progress; we will faithfully bring it back to France. What we ask and wish of the future is justice, and not vengeance. And beside, the sight of slaves drunk with wine sufficed to give ported brothers of Cayenne, of Africa, offer your chains; exiles, offer your proscription; and thou, O martyr offer thy death to the liberty of the human race! VIVE LA REPUBLIQUE! CUBA AND THE UNITED STATES. THE PROPOSED TRIPARTITE TREATY. THE following Diplomatic Correspondence. In which England and France propose to enter into a Treaty with the United States, stipulating that neither of the high contracting parties will steal the Island of Cuba, nor allow any other Nation to commit such robbery, was communicated to the United States Senate, in compliance with a resolution of that body, in January. 1853: Mr. Crampton to Mr. Webster. and concur with Her Majesty's Government in thinking that an effort ought to be made in concert with the Government of the United States, to place this matter on such a footing as shall preclade all hazard of collision between either of the three powers in the event of the aggression on Cuba being repeated. The British Government can have no hesitation in explicitly declaring that they have no wish or intention to appropriate Cuba to themselves. The French Govermanent have signified to Her Majesty's Government their entire concurrence in these sentiments, and their readiness to make a formal declaration to the same effect. The Government of the United States having also, at various times, pronounced WASHINGTON, April 23, 1852. SIR: beg leave to inclose the copy of the themselves in the same sense, and having, moredispatch and of the project for a convention which over, in these later times exerted themselves so formed the subject of the conversation which and defeat the attempts inade by United States far as their legal competence permitted to arrest Mous. de Sartiges and myself had the honor of citizens and others against the Island of Cuba, holding with you this morning. The sentiments all these parties appear to be fully agreed to reand opinions which you addressed to us with so much frankness and precision in regard to this pudiate, ach for itself, all thoughts of appropri matter. were so entirely in accordance with g Cuba, and it would, therefore, seem as if all that remained to be done now, was to give prac those entertained by Her Majesty's Government,tical effect to the views cutertained in common and so well embody the principles which have been laid down by the President of the United by the three other powere. It appears to Her States on several occasions, and more especially Majesty's Government (and in this view the Government of France have expressed their conenrin his last annual Message to Congress, that it would be a great satisfaction to me to be enabled ce) that this result would be best attained by to convey them to Lord Malmsbury in your words the three parties entering into a tripartite arrange. if, therefore, you were to think it expedient in ment, whether by convention or by the interacknowledging the receipt of my present com-change of formal notes, by which they bind themmunication, to make such a succinct statement selves, severally and collectively, to renonce, of them as you may deem proper, it would afford ine an opportunity of communicating your remarks, confidentially, to his Lordship, in a manner which would, I am convinced, be extremely gratifying to Her Majesty's Government. [signed] JOHN F. CRAMPTON. The Earl of Malmsbury to Mr. Crampton. both now and hereafter, all intention to obtain Draft of Convention. FOREIGN OFFICE. April 8, 1852. SIR: The attacks which have lately been made on the Island of Cuba by lawless hands of adventurers from the United States, with the avowed design of taking possession of that Island, have engaged the serious attention of Her Majesty's Government, the more especially as they are most auxious that the friendly relations existing be tween Great Britain and the United States should not be endangered as they might be by a repetition of such attacks. The Government of the United States has repeatedly declared that it Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom would not see with indifference the Island of of Great Britain and Ireland, the Prince President Cuba fall into the possession of any other Euro-of the French Republic, and the United States pean power than Spain. Her Majesty's Govern of America, having judged it expedient with a ment shares in the most unqualified inauner, in view to strengthen the friendly relations which the views thus put forth by the Government of happily subsist between them, to set forth, and the United States, and would never see with in-fix. by a Convention, their views and intentions difference the Island of Cuba in the possession with regard to the Island of Cuba, have nawed, of any power whatever but Spain. The Govern-as their respective Plenipotentiaries for this pur ment of France, with which Her Majesty's Gov-pose. that is to say. Her Majesty the Queen of ernment have been in communication on this im- the United Kingdom of Great Britain and fre portant inatter, cordially adopt the same view, land, &c., the Prince President of the French Re Franee and Great Britain in the existing state of things upon the subject of M. de Sartigos's communication, are questions which, as the undersigned has already intimated, will be maturely considered, public, &c., and the President of the United States | to make this case of Cuhn an exception, and es. of America, &c., &c.,-who, after having com-pecially how far any motive may be found for municated to each other their respective full entering into any treaty stipulations or exchange powers, found in good and due form, have agreed of official declarations with the Governments of upon and concluded the following Articles :ARTICLE I. The high contracting parties hereby severally and collectively disclaim, both now and for her after, all intention to obtain possession of the island of Cuba, and they respectively bind themselves to discountenance alf such attempts to that effect on the part of any power or individual whatever. The high contracting parties declare, severally and collectively, that they will not obtain or maintain for themselves, or for any one) of themselves, any exclusive control over the- [Mr. Crampton again addresses Mr. Websaid I-land, nor assume nor exercise any do-ster, under date of July 8th, on the subject minion over the same. The undersigned avails himself of this oppor tunity to renew to M. de Sartiges the assurance of his high consideration. [Signed] DANIEL WEBSTER. ARTICLE II. The present Convention shall be of his note of the 23d April, 1852, but there ratified, and the ratification shall be exchanged does not appear in the documents any reply as soon as possible, within at mouths from the date hereof. In witness wherent, in the year of our Lord 1852. Mr. Webster to the Count de Sartiges. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, April 29, 1852. by Mr. Webster.] Mr. Everett to Mr. Crampton (a similar despatch having been addressed to M. de Surtiges). DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, Dec. 1. 1852. SIR: You are well acquainted with the melancholy circumstances which have hitherto prevented a reply to the note which you addressed to my predecessor on the 8th of July. That note The undersigned has the honor to acknowl-and the instruction of Lord Malmsbury of the edge the receipt of M. de Sartiges's note of the 8th of April, accompanying it, with a similar 23 inst., together with the copy of the instruc- communication from the French Minister, and tire tions from M. de Turgot, the French Minister of projet of a Convention between the three powers Foreign Affairs, to M. de Sartiges, bearing date relative to Cuba, have been among the first subthe 31st ult. There is no doubt that M. de Turgot jects to which my attention has been called by has justly described the course of policy which the President. The substantial portion of the has influenced the Government of the United proposed Convention is expressed in a single arStates heretofore in regard to the Island of Cuba,ticle in the following terms: "The high contractIt has been stated and often repeated to the ing parties hereby severally and collectively disGovernment of Spain by this Government, under clafin both now and for hereafter, all intention to various administrations, not only that the United obtain possession of the Island of Cuba, and they States have no design upon Cuba themselves, but respectively bind themselves to discountenance that if Spain should refrain from a voluntary all attempts to that effect on the part of any Cession of the Island to any other European power or individual whatever. The high conpower, she might rely upon the countenance and tracting parties declare severally and collectively friendship of the United States to assist her in that they will not obtain or maintain for them. the defense and preservation of that Island. At selves, or for any one of themselves, any exthe same time, it has always been declared to clusive control over the said island, nor assume Spain that the Governineut of the United States nor exercise any dominion over the same,' could not be expected to acquiesce in the cession The President has given the most serious uttenof Cuba to a European power. The under- tion to this proposal; to the notes of the British signed is happy in being able to say that the and French Ministers accompanying it, and to present Executive of the United States entirely the instructions of the Earl of Malisbury and approves of this past policy of the Government, M. de Turgot, ransmitted with the project of the and fully concurs in the general sentiments ex- Convention, and he directs me to make known pressed by M. de Turgot, and understood to be to you the view which he takes of this important identified with those entertained by the Govern- and delicate subject. The President fully coument of Great Britain. The President will take curs with his predecessors, who have, on more M. de Sartiges's communication into considera- than one occasion, authorized the declaration tion, and give it his best reflections. But the under-referred to by Lord Malmsbury and M. de Turgot, signed deems it his duty, at the same time, to re- that the United States could not see with indiffermind M. de Sartiges, and through him his Govern-ence the Island of Cuba fall into the possession neut, that the policy of that of the United States of any other European Government than Spain, has uniformly been to avoid, as far as possible, not, however, because we should be dissatisfied alliance or agreements with other States, and to with any natural increase of territory and power keep itself free from national obligations, except on the part of England or France. France has, such as affect directly the interests of the United within twenty years, acquired a yast domain on States themselves. This sentiment has been the Northern Coast of Africa, with a fair pros strongly felt and uniformly entertained in the pect of indefinite extension. England, within Cancils of this Government from its earliest half a century, has added very extensively to her history. How far, therefore, it may be necessary empire. These acquisitions have created no un easiness on the part of the United States. Indered it his duty, as far as the Executive action like manner the United States have, within the is concerned, to-give his consent to the arrange. same period greatly increased their territory, ment, Such, however, is not the case. The largest addition was that of Louisiana, which The Convention would be of no value unless was purchased from France. These accessions it were lasting. Accordingly its terms express a of territory have probably caused no uneasiness perpetuity of purpose and obligation. Now it to the great European powers, as they have been may well be doubted whether the constitution of brought about by the operation of natural causes, the United States would allow the treaty-making and without any disturbance of the international power to impose a permanent disability on the relations of the principal states. They have been American Government for all coming time, and followed also by a great increase of mutually bene prevent it, under any future change of circumficial commercial intercourse between the United stances, from doing what has been so often done States and Europe. But the case would be in times past. In 1803,the United States purchased different in reference to the transfer of Cuba from Louisiana of France, and in 1819 they purchased Spain to any other European power. That event Florida of Spain. It is not within the competence could not take place without a serious derange of the treaty-making power in 1852, effectually to ment of the international system now existing, bind the Government in all its branches, and for and it would indicate designs in reference to this all coming time, not to make a sinir purchase hemisphere which could not bet awaken aların in of Cuba. A like remark, I imagine, may be made the United States. We should view it in some-even in reference both to England and France, what the same light in which France and England where the Treaty-making Power is less subject would view the acquisition of some important than it is with us, to the control of other branches island in the Mediterranean by the United States, of the Government, with this difference: It is true that the attempt There is another strong objection to the proof the United States to establish themselves iu posed agreement. Among the oldest traditions Europe would be a novelty, while the appearance of the Federal Government, is an aversion to of a European power in this part of the world is political alliances with European powers. In his a familiar fact. But this difference in the two memorable farewell address, President Washing. cases is merely historical, and would not diminish ton says: "The great rule of conduct for us, in the anxiety which, on political grounds, would regard to foreign nations, is in extending ofr be caused by any great demonstration of European coinmercial relations, to have with them as liule power in a new direction in America. Lord political connection as possible. So far as we Malmsbury states that Great Britain could never have already formed engagements. let them be see with indifference the possession of Cuba by fulfilled with perfect good faith; here let us stop.' any power but Spain, and explicitly declares that President Jefferson, in his inaugural address in she has no wish or intention of appropriating the 1801, warned the country against “entangling alliFund to herself; and the French Minister makes ances." This expression, now become proverbial, the same avowal on behalf of his Government, was unquestionably used by Mr. Jefferson in Lord Malinsbury and M. de Turgot do the reference to the alliance with France in 1778, an Government of the United States no more than alliance at the time of incalculable benefit to the justice in remarking that they have often pro- United States, but which in less than twenty nounced themselves substantially in the same years came near involving us in the wars of the sense. The President does not covet the acquisi- French Revolution, and laid the foundation of tion of Cuba for the United States. At the same heavy claims upon Cougress, not extinguished to time he considers the condition of Cuba as mainly the present day. It is a significant coincidence, an American question, and to a limited extent only that the particular provision of the alliance whieli a European question. The proposed Convention, occasioned these evils, was that under which proceeds on a different principle. It assumes France called upon us to aid her in defending ber that the United States have no other or greater West Indian possessions against England. Nothinterest in the question than England or France;ing less than the unbounded intinence of Washwhereas it is necessary only to cast one's eye upon ington rescued the Union from the perils of that the map to see how remote are the relations of crisis, and preserved our neutrality. Europe and how intimate tliose of the United States with this Island. But the President has a graver objection to entering into the proposed convention. He has no The President, doing full justice to the friendly wish to disguise the feeling that the compact, spirit in which bis concurrence is invited by although equal in its terms, would be very unEngland and France, and not insensible to the ad-equal in substance. England and France by envantages of a good understanding between the tering into it would disable themselves from obthree powers in reference to Cuba, feels himself taining possession of an island remote from their nevertheless unable to become a party to the pro-seats of Government, belonging to another Euro posed compact for the following reasons: It is in pean power, whose natural right to possess it mast the first place in his judgment clear, as far as the always be as good as their own-a distant island respect due from the Executive to a co-ordinate in another hemisphere, and one which by no branch of the Government will pernit him to an ordinary or peaceful course of things could ever ticipate its decision, that no such convention belong to either of them. If the present balance would be viewed with favor by the Senate. Its of power in Europe should be broken up-if Spain certain rejection by that body would leave the should become unable to maintain the Island in question of Cuba in a more unsettled position than her possession, and England and France should it is now. This objection would not require the be engaged in a death struggle with each other. President to withhold his concurrence from the Cuba might then be the prize of the victor, Convention if no other objection existed, and if these events all take place, the President does not a strong sense of the utility of the measure ren-see how Cuba can belong to any European power Tin but Spain. The United States, on the other with all the chances of the most deplorable occur. |