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voted in 1818 than in 1815; and
that such a difference could only
be explained by some vice in the
law; a remark which led to dis-
closures little anticipated by the
M. de St. Aulaire,
speaker.
member of the department of the
Gard, instantly rose, and said
that it was his department which
was meant, and that he would
explain the cause of the occur-

rence.

All France, he added, knew that there were more electors in 1818 than in 1815; but all France did not perhaps know, that in the former year 17 Protestant electors were murdered in their way to the electoral college.

M. de Serres, the keeper of the seals, confirmed this statement, which had been listened to with strong marks of emotion, and he proceeded to unfold, in all their enormity, the crimes proceeding from political fury of which this department had been the theatre, and the Protestants the victims, in the years 1815 and 1816. "All possible efforts," said he, "were made by the government of the king to bring to justice the assassins of general Lagarde, who was attacked at the moment when, in the name of the king, he came as a minister of peace. The author of that crime was arrested, delivered over to the tribunals and convicted of having fired upon general Lagarde, while, with his sword in his hand, that officer was endeavouring to appease the multitude. The jury declared, that the homicide was rendered necessary by the want of legitimate defence"-[a movement of horror in the assembly]." The law directed the president of the court of Assizes to set the ac

6

cused at liberty. General Ramel was wounded in the tumult of Toulouse. Carried to his apartments, he was assailed on his death-bed by furious wretches, who tore his body. These ruffians, being brought before a court of justice, were acquitted by the jury, on the ground that the blows which were inflicted on the general when in bed, had not determined his death, because the wounds which he had previously received were mortal!'"-After some moments of interruption, the minister continued:" Shall I speak, gentlemen, of a man whose name I feel a horror in pronouncing? TresTallion,

accused of frightful crimes, became the object of prosecution, at the instance of the king's law-officers. The judicial authority objected to his being tried in the same city where his crimes were committed, because they entertained a fear for the freedom of the court, from the consternation of the citi zens and the terror which the criminal inspired. He was accordingly transferred for trial to Riom. Would you believe the result? A single witness could not be found to depose against preTres-Tallion, and a hundred sented themselves to vouch for his innocence. The terror these assassins inspired was so great, that justice could not find witnesses who durst give evidence for the prosecution, nor a jury who would have dared to find them guilty. Finally, the assassination of M. Fualdes was party crime, and the government was obliged to exert all its force to protect the action of justice, and to repress those efforts which

a

the

the partisans of the criminals made to rescue them from execution."

This striking disclosure was rendered still more interesting and important by the tidings of a threatened renewal of similar horrors in the city of Nismes, which had just reached Paris.

The news of the triumph of M. Barthelemy's proposition in the chamber of peers had elevated the hopes of the ultras in this city to such a height, that they believed it was once more in their power to insult and attack their Protestant fellow-citizens with impunity; and they were well disposed to exert the privilege. The first symptoms of disturbance were manifested at the theatre, which was unusually crowded on account of the appearance of an actor who was particularly patronized by the royalists. A large garland of lilies was thrown upon the stage; clamours and menaces against the Protestants repeatedly interrupted the performance; and these devoted sectaries were attacked on their return to their houses by men armed with pikes, and led on, amongst others, by the infamous Tres-Tallion.

The prefect of Nismes was at this juncture in Paris; the mayor was deficient in energy; few troops were left in the town, and the Protestants perceived that they had only themselves to rely upon. Resolved not again to submit tamely, as in the year 1815, to persecution and massacre, they now stood on their defence; for several successive evenings the boulevard of the city was occupied with the two adverse parties, who drew toge

ther to the number of several thousands, and remained observing each other's motions. Meantime the Protestants had conveyed intelligence of the state of affairs to their brethren of the villages of the Cevennes,that brave and religious peasantry, who still glory in the successful resistance of their ancestors to the tyrannical bigotry of Louis 14th. These mountaineers immediately sent deputies to Nismes, who found the two parties in the state of mutual observation which has been described. One of them immediately walked up to that part of the boulevard where TresTallion and his followers were posted, and undismayed by their menaces, told them, that this time, if the laws did not defend the Protestants, they would find other defenders; if one drop of Protestant blood were spilt, woe to the Catholics of Nismes;—the mountains would descend; and he warned them to beware of that moment. This spirited intimation had probably its effect. Meantime troops arrived from Montpellier; the prefect returned; the ultras were overpowered at Paris, and tranquillity was restored to the Protestants of the south.

Respecting this sect, which appears to flourish in augmented zeal and increasing numbers, it may be worth while to mention the following circumstance: That on February 15th, the reporter of the committee of petitions detailed to the chamber of deputies the complaints of a large number of Protestants, respecting the mode in which the colleges of education were constituted and administered through

out

out the south of France, by which Protestant children were debarred from the enjoyment of the religious liberty secured by the charter to all French citizens. The petitioners stated, that the instruction of their offspring was chiefly directed by Catholic priests, whose influence inspired them with just alarm; that the parents had no opportunity of counteracting that influence by daily exhortations to their children; and that from the existing constitution of the colleges, they could not provide a substitute for parental instruction by appointing ministers of their own communion to superintend the Protestant youth. They therefore prayed, that colleges specially for the instruction of Calvinists and Lutherans might be established in

all the great towns, particularly in Bourdeaux.

Two deputies strenuously supported the petition, and it was referred to the minister of the interior.

On March 15th, the minister of the finances unexpectedly came forward in the chamber of deputies with his estimates for the expenditure of the year 1819.

The first item of charge was for the interest of the consolidated and funded debt; the sum granted for which last year was, 180,000,000 francs, or about 7,500,000.; whereas, for this year there would be necessary a provision of 232,000,000 francs, or above 9,500,000l. sterling. The civil list was to be, as usual, 34,000,000 francs.

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than one-sixth above the estimated value. He concluded by congratulating the chamber upon the future appropriation of the revenue, which would be exclusively destined to consolidate the national institutions and promote the public welfare.

The minister of finance afterwards ascended the tribune: he observed, that the chamber had been informed, that the exigencies of the state for 1819 required a sum of 889,210,000 francs; and that it had been demonstrated to them, that the country had resources to meet them without adding to the existing taxes. A country whose resources were artificial could not have surmounted the crisis which France had endured; but their territory was rich in its soil, its trade, its credit, and above all, in an industrious population. The promptness and exactness with which the taxes were collected, proved incontestably the power of the contributors. The minister proceeded to review the various branches of the public revenue: the landtax, he observed, was estimated at the sum of 363,553,000 francs for 1819. This tax was partially grievous, on account of its unequal assessment; but ministers, though they had its defects in view, judged it infinitely preferable to wait a less hazardous and less necessitous period for retrenching their resources by reducing it. A long peace would admit of great alleviation; and he entertained the hope, that next year some measure might be adopted favourable to landed proprietors.

After passing some compliments on the firmness and loyalty

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some of the severer provisions of the law, bearing on the editors of newspapers; and several amendments on other points were proposed by different members. The most remarkable of these related to attacks on religion;-or what in this country would be called blasphemous libels. It was proposed, that to the article enacting penalties for outrages against public morals, should be added the words, "against the religion of the state, or any other." A spirited conversation immediately ensued, in which one member proposed to substitute the word "religion" generally; another suggested the omission of the terms "public morals," and the keeper of the seals opposed all the amendments, and particularly deprecated the introduction of any mention of religion, as interfering with the honest spirit of controversy, which would only become more violent if persecuted or repressed. The debate was adjourned; and on its resumption an amendment prohibiting outrages "against public and religious morals," was at length carried. The provisions of this law against literary offences, were certainly less pernicious than the censorship which previously existed, to the interests of free inquiry; but they were regarded by a considerable party among the French as far too rigid. By this party, a kind of secret society had been formed, -about a twelvemonth before the establishment of the existing ministry, which now began to be denounced as an object of jealousy by the ultra-royalists. It was called, "The Society of Friends of the Liberty of the [

Press," and numbered from 225 to 250 members, amongst whom were included many authors, many military officers, several members of the chamber of deputies distinguished in what is termed the liberal party, and a few peers. Its meetings took place alternately, and as if casually, at the houses of the more considerable members; by this contrivance an article of the penal code was evaded, which subjects to the absolute control of government all societies, consisting of more than 20 members, which shall meet at a stated time and place to discuss religious, political, literary, or other subjects. It was understood that the society, in furtherance of its objects, had exérted great activity in the elections for deputies; and that it had zealously promoted the sig nature of petitions for the recall of certain classes of exiles. A committee of nine members, appointed to collect information respecting candidates for the representation, had been carrying on an active correspondence through the departments; and it was insinuated in the chamber of deputies, that the government had thought proper to resort to the expedient of causing their letters to be opened at the post-office. No other step however could be taken against a body which sedulously restrained its proceedings within the letter of the law: the society still exists and flourishes, and may perhaps be regarded as a useful counterpoise to the ultra-royalist associations which are known to subsist and to carry on intrigues in various quarters of the kingdom.

Certain petitions to the cham

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