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H. or R.)

Public Lands.

(Mar 23, 1836.


Having very briefly and imperfectly adverted to the chase of stock, to be thereafter disposed of to the best cessions of public lands from the several States, it is advantage for the promotion of the objects for which proper and necessary to inquire into the nature of the the taxes were raised, and is therefore the trustee of the contracts by which other public lands have been ac- people for the faithful application of the proceeds of quired by the United States; and here it is not intended that stock for such purposes, and no olber. It is use. to follow the track which has been generally pursued by less to answer, that as the stock is worth more than the those entertaining the same views upon ihis subject. money il cost, the States are entitled, as bodies politic Much has been said of the comparative cost and revenue and corporale, to the profits, by a ratable distribution of the public lands. With great deference to the among them. The fund with which these purchases opinions of others, this is not believed to be the most were made was not contributed by the States. It was correct view of the subject. It has already been shown contributed in the form of "taxes, duties, imposts, and that the cessions of land by the several states to the excises," directly by the people. How, then, can Con. Union were intended as contributions to that “common gress take a fund, or the proceeds of such fund, con. Treasury" spoken of in the articles of confederation, to tributed by the people in their individual character, for meet the “expenses incurred for the common desence," certain definite purposes, “to provide for the common as expressed in the same article, and for “no other use defence," &c., and distribute it among the State Gove or purpose whatsoever," as is expressly provided in the ernments! The thing is utterly absurd and impossible cession from Virginia. It is believed that as little diffi. upon any fair constitutional principle. To close this cully exists in showing that the purchases from foreign branch of the subject, it is asserted, without the fear of pations belong to the same "common fund” with the successful contradiction, that as Congress can alone raise lands received from the States of this Union. It is not revenue by taxation for purposes common to the Union, necessary here to state an account of debit and credit and has appropriated a portion of the revenue so raised between the land fund and tax fund, for the purpose of to the purchase of lands, that body is, to that extent, the showing on which side a balance may preponderate, al trustee of the people, and bound for the faithful applica. though such comparison may fall into a subsequent part tion of the whole' trust property to the purposes and of this inquiry. It will be sufficient to show by what objects for which alone the money with which it was means such purchases of lands were effected. No man paid for was raised. This view of the subject is still at all acquainted with the history of this country can be more strongly enforced by the consideration That the ignorant that Louisiana was purchased from France, and whole of the public expenses, ordinary and extraordi. Florida from Spain; nor that the first cost fifteen and nary, including an amount of public debi exceeding four the latter five millions of dollars, without estimating in hundred millions of dollars, have been met and discharg. terest, difference of exchange, or any other incidental ed exclusively by the fund raised from the pockets of charge; nor will it be pretended that they were not paid the people by direct or indirect taxation. This asser. for out of the public Treasury, out of that very

tion is not too strong when we advert to the report of mon Treasury” designed to provide for the "common the Secretary of the Treasury of the 281h of April, 1836, defence" of the whole Union, as contradistinguished by which it appears that, by a fair statement of the ac. from its separate parts. How, then, can it be pretended count current between the tax fund and the land fund, that the money arising from the sale of the lands acquired technically so called, by the returns rendered up to the by the purchase of Louisiana and Florida stands upon 18th day of the same monih of April, the balance due different ground, with respect to distribution, from money the land fund was only $3,016,961 68, not much more brought into the Treasury by taxation? Nor can this than one tenth of the sum now claimed to be subject to view of the subject be too clearly or strongly enforced distribution for the years 1833, 1834, and 1835. What upon the public mind.

show of justice, then, would there be in such a scheme T'he present constitution had for its object the perpe- of distribution, by which the money collected from the tuity of the Union, and for that purpose conferred on people, and paid for public lands, shall be squandered, the Federal Government certain powers, to be exercised when received back again from the sale of these lands, for certain defined and specified purposes, and no others. among the Governments of the States of this Union? Among these was the power “10 levy and collect taxes, The catchword has been, that as the public revenue duties, imposts, and excises;" and for what purpose? had accumulated greatly beyond the necessary wants of “ To pay the debts and provide for the common de the Government, let it be returned to the people again fence and general welfare of the United States.” The by distribution of all the humbugs created in this age “common defence," "the general welfare" of the of invention for ministering food for political ambilion United States-that “defence" and that "welfare, or pecuniary cupidity, this is the most preposterous and which are 'common” and “general" to the “United absurd. Distribute money among the people, forsooth! States" as a confederacy, as a whole, as contrasted with The scheme is to distribute it to the regularly organized and distinguished from its several parts-not that vague State Governments. It need not be said that the inten. common defence and general welfare understood by tion is to corrupt these Governments by giving them an some to confer unlimited power of taxation and appro interest at war with the best interests of the people, but priation upon this Government, but such as may be pro. it requires no exercise of the imagination io perceive vided for and promoted by the exercise of the powers that such would be the inevitable result. definitely and specifically granted in the constitution, Already have we heard it more than whispered, from a and by no other. If this view of the subject be cor quarter most ominous, that if the revenue shall be so re. rect-and it is not only intact, but believed to be intangi. duced by this notable scheme of distribution as to pro. ble—it follows irresistibly that Louisiana and Florida duce a deficiency in the T'reasury for defraying the ordi. were paid for out of the tax fund collected out of the nary expenditures of the Government, the duties on pockets of the people for certain specified purposes: wines will admit of augmentation, and those on silks be and, as an unavoidable consequence, that the public lands augmented or restored, according as they are now sube within their limits are bound, by every principle of law ject to or free from duty. But what is the plan of dis. and equity, lo stand in the place of the fund from which they were paid for. It then results in this: that this * In Mr. Clay's last elaborate speech upon the bill for Government, for the better providing for the common distributing the proceeds of the land sales, he is under. defence and general welfare, appropriated a portion of stood to have said, that if, in consequence of the distri. the public money collected from the people in the pur. I bution proposed, there should not be money in the Mar 23, 1836.]

Public Lands.

(H. Or R.

tribution now proposed for our adoption? As before lieving, at the time the subject was first investigated in stated, instead of returning money to the pockets of the Congress, that the change of the deposite of the public people from whom it had been previously collected, it money from the Bank of the United States to the local contemplates dividing it among the State Governments. banks was, if not the wisest, among the wisest acts of The cession from Virginia provides that the land shall General Jackson's civil administration, subsequent exconstitute a "common fund,” according to the “usual perience and observation have strengthened and con. proportions of the States in the general charge and ex. firmed that opinion. And I now as confidently believe, penditure, according to the rule established by the that if the Bank of the United States had held the conarticles of confederation." The federal constitution, in trol of the large amount of public money at the time its changing the mode of creating and collecting revenue, charter was about to expire, which would have been in relained a rule analogous to that of the articles of con: its possession if the fiscal agency of the Government had federation by which direct taxes should be apportioned not been previously taken away from it, the local banks among the states the rule of federal numbers. While would have been crushed, and a scene of pecuniary dis. the bill under consideration proposes to distribute ac. tress and ruin created, such as the wildest imagination cording to this rule, it is not until fifteen per cent. have would scarcely be able to conceive. been previously secured to the States of Ohio, Indiana, Mr. DUNLAP said, as the bill from the Senate em. Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, and Louisiana, braced the object contemplated by the resolution under and to those at the Northwest, the benefits of the expendo consideration, and as the time was near at band for proitures already made in building and repairing the Cum- ceeding with the orders of the day, he would move to berland road, without any charge or deduction, except postpone the further consideration of the subject before the nominal reimbursement from the two per cent. fund the House until Monday next, at which time he should originally set apart for its construction. It is true, the

move to appropriate the three hours which would other. federal constitution has set up no standard by which wise be devoted to the continuation of this debate to the money or other favors shall be distributed among the consideration of the Tennessee land bill. States; and this is of itself sufficient to show that no such

Mr. HANNEGAN moved to lay the resolutions of the distribution was ever intended by it. But if the rule of Kentucky Legislature, together with the instructions, on direct taxation is settled, invariable, and, as far as may the table. be, equitable between the States, it may be fairly con. Mr. STORER asked for the yeas and nays; which cluded, that if, under any circumstances, a distribution were ordered. of public money among them should ever be made, it Mr. SPEIGHT, in view of the importance of the mo. would be regulated by the same standard. It is again tion, proposed that there should be a call of the House, asserted, that no rule of distribution of money different which was agreed to. from the one established for regulating direct taxation could possibly be consistent with the constitution. But CER moved that it be suspended; and after some con.

After proceeding a short time with the call, Mr. MERin addition, it is fearlessly asserted that, as the constitution versation between that gentleman and Mr. SPEIGHT, is a grant of defined and specified powers to carry into Mr. HANNEGAN remarked that he hoped the call effect objects equally definite, the power sought to be would be proceeded in, and that they should have a full exercised by this bill is totally repugnant to its most ob. House, as the motion which he had 'made was intended vious principles. It has been asked, what shall be done by him to be a test vote on the subject of distributing with the redundant revenue with which the Treasury is the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. now overloaded? To the comprehension of a plain un- The motion to suspend the call was lost, and the roll derstanding there does not seem to be much mystery in was then called through, as were also the absentees, the matter. If the land fund is sufficient to meet the when it appeared that 190 members were in attendance. necessary expenditures, repeal the whole of your taxes. Mr. HIESTER moved to suspend all further proceed. If not sufficient, repeal a part of them. If more than ings under the call; which was agreed to. sufficient, repeal the whole of the tariff, and curtail the Mr. MANN, of New York, appealed to the gentleman sale of the public lands, by limiting it to actual settlers, from Indiana to withdraw the motion, as he desired to and to actual settlers alone; and, in connexion with this make a few remarks on the subject before the House. latter subject, establish an equitable system of gradua. Mr. HANNEGAN could not withdraw the motion. tior, in the price, according to the period which the land Mr. ADAMS called for the reading of the resolution has remained subject to entry at the minimum price es. of instructions; which being done, tablished by the Government.

Mr. McCOMAS desired to know whether it was in. It might not be difficult to expatiate upon the general tended that the motion to lay on the table should be a course of public affairs, not only since the commence. test question on the propriety of distributing the proment of the present administration, but from the adop. ceeds of the public lands. tion of our present form of Government; but it is not Mr. HANNEGAN repeated that he had made the mo. now considered necessary.

tion expressly for the purpose of testing the sense of the On one topic of general discussion within the last three House on the subject alluded to. years, a single remark may not be inappropriate. Be- The motion to lay the resolutions of the Legislature

of Kentucky, and the instructions moved by Mr. W1L. Treasury to meet ordinary expenditures, the duties on LIAMS, on the table, was then decided in tbe affirmative wines and silks might be restored or increased. This is

as follows: ominous, but it is not the only circumstance going to Yeas-Messrs. Ash, Ashley, Barton, Beale, Bean, show the connexion of his scheme, and the scheme of Beaumont, Bockee, Boon, Bouldin, Bovee, Boyd, Mr. Calhoun, with the continuance, and, if necessary, Brown, Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, Chaney, Chapman, the increase of a high tariff. It is sufficient to refer to John F. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Connor, Craig, Cra. the fact that the scheme to distribute dates with the


mer, Cushman, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dunlap, Fair. “compromise" tariff act of 1833, intended by Mr. Clay, I field, Farlin, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, James Gar. and so stated by him, to save, not to destroy, the land, Gillet, Glascock, Grantland, Grayson, Griffin, protective system. Ir the scheme of distribution, in Haley, Joseph Hall, Hamer, Hannegan, Albert G. Har. either form, as presented by Mr. Clay or Mr. Calhoun, rison, Hawes, Haynes, Holsey, Howard, Huntsman, shall be carried, my life on it, the tariff will be increased Ingham, Jabez Jackson, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, Cave and perpetuated. - Note by Mr. H.

Johnson, John W. Jones, Benjamin Jones, Judson, H. or R. )

Forlification Bill.

[May 23, 1836.

Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Lane, Lansing, Lawler, was the rule of the majority alone. The caucus system
Gideon Lee, Joshua Lee, Leonard, Logan, Loyall, was another of the principles of the New York democ-
Lucas, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Martin, John Y. racy; a principle he declared to be at war with the con-
Mason, William Mason, Moses Mason, May, Mckay, stitution. He described the manner in which he himself
McKeon, McKim, McLene, Montgomery, Morgan, Muh- had been nominated to the Baltimore convention. Nine
Jenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, Patton, Phelps, individuals out of ten thousand, at Nashville, bad met
Pinckney, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Roane, and nominated him, and the nomination was afterwards
Rogers, Schenck, Seymour, Sickles, Smith, Speight, approved of by some fifty or sixty more, and he paid as
Sutherland, Taylor, Thomas, John Thomson, Toucey, much attention to it as he should to the whistling of a
Towns, Turrill, Vanderpoel, Wagener, Ward, Ward. bird. It was said the principle of the caucus system
well, Webster, Weeks-110.

was indispensable to keep the party together. Why, carry
Nars-Messrs. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, out such a principle, and the election of a king might
Anthony, Bailey, Bell, Burden, Briggs, Buchanan, be justified under it. He again denounced it as one of
Bunch, William B. Calhoun, Campbell, Carter, George the most dangerous of the federal doctrines, and tending
Chambers, John Chambers, Childs, Nathaniel H. Clai- to the most alarming inroads upon the liberties of the
borne, Clark, Corwin, Crane, Cushing, Deberry, Denny, people. He then adverted to the loss of the fortification
Evans, Everett, French, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, Granger, bill. He said he saw the chairman (Mr. CAMBRELENG]
Graves, Grennell, Hard, Hardin, Harlan, Harper, Sam of the committee of conference on that occasion when
uel S. Harrison, Hazeltine, Hiester, Hoar, Hopkins, he returned, and asked him if they had agreed; and that
Howell, Hubley, Hunt, Ingersoll, William Jackson, gentleman informed him that they had, and that he was
Janes, Jenifer, Laporte, Lawrence, Lay, Luke Lea, only waiting for an opportunity to make the report to
Lewis, Lincoln, Love, Samson Mason, McCarty, McCo. the House. He was, however, astonished just alter, to
mas, McKennan, Mercer, Milligan, Morris, Parker, see the same gentleman get up and protest against that
Dutee J. Pearce, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Phillips, very report from being made, on the ground of there
Potts, Reed, Rencher, Robertson, Russell, William B. being no quorum in the House. He remarked upon the
Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Slade, Spangler, extraordinary manner in which the journal was kept at
Sprague, Standefer, Steele, Storer, Taliaferro, Waddy present, by the protest of Messrs. Glascock, ROBERTSON,
Thompson, Turner, Underwood, Vinton, Wasbington, and Ganland of Louisiana, containing their reasons for
White, Elisha Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Sherrod not voting on the abolition question, being now spread

on the journal. Every other member had an equal right, So the whole subject was laid on the table.

and the journal might be filled in this way. He then The hour of one having arrived,

referred to Judge White's letter to John Ross, and said The SPEAKER announced the special order.

tbat Judge White bad been consulted by Ross as a lawyer, Mr. LOVE moved to suspend the rules for the pur. and that his letter was a legal opinion. When the quespose of calling the States for petitions; lost.

tion of State jurisdiction came up, Judge White reiterMr. WILLIAMS, of Kentucky, moved to take up the ated the same doctrine contained in that letter, that, resolution from the Senate, fixing a day for the adjourn. quoad the United States, the Cherokees were independ. ment of Congress.

ent; but that Georgia, being one of the original States, Mr. HUNT'S MAN called for the yeas and nays; which she had supreme jurisdiction within her territorial limits. were ordered.

The one was a legal opinion, given on consultation in the Mr. CAMBRELENG boped the gentleman from character of counsel, and was confined to the question Kentucky would withdraw his motion. The best way of sovereignty between the United States and the Chero. to bring the session to a speedy termination was to per- kees; the other was his constitutional opinion as respectsevere in transacting the public business, without wast. ed the latter people and the State of Georgia. There ing time in motions to suspend the rules.

was, then, no inconsistency between the two documents. Mr. WILLIAMS declined withdrawing his motion; Mr. F. then adverted to the subject of the surplus when it was negatived: Yeas 98, nays 89-iwo thirds be

He had made a calculation, and he found that ing necessary.

all the bills before Congress at that time, if they should FORTIFICATION BILL.

pass, amounted, exclusive of the French spoliation claims,

to an appropriation of about twenty-three million of dol. On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, and in further ex. lars, say twenty-five million of dollars, and this would ecution of the special order of the 26th of January, the inevitably leave a surplus in the Treasury. To say that House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on

to return a people the money that belonged to them the state of the Union, (Mr. Mann, of New York, in the

would corrupt them, was absolutely ridiculous. This chair,) and resumed the consideration of the bill was the argument of the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. “making appropriations for certain fortifications of the HAYNES] that morning, and it was the strangest be had United States for the year 1836.”

ever heard from any man. The manner in which ConThe question pending being the motion of Mr. Cam. gress had been in the habit of voting away the public BRELENS, to amend the bill by inserting an item of money was far more corrupting. He censured the mode $700,000 for the armament of the fortifications

of members voting books to themselves, perhaps to the Mr. FORESTER resumed his remarks, and set out by value of a thousand dollars each; and he had always cona review of the land bill. He then adverted to the demned it. course of Mr. Van Buren upon former occasions, on the On the subject of the deposite banks, he reviewed the subject of internal improvements, the Bank of the course of the House on the resolution of Mr. Wise, in United States, &c.

resisting an inquiry into the connexion of that “traitor He examined that principle of the majority party, and perjured scoundrel,” Reuben M. Whitney, with which said 'hat “the spoils belong to the victors," which those banks. It was due to the Secretary of the Treaswas an anti-democratic doctrine, and one of the most ury that this investigation should have been bad, in spite abominable federal maxims ever advanced. It was of the defence made of him by the gentleman from New making the voice of the people give way to the voice of | Hampshire, (Mr. PIERCE,] that that officer was above corruption. It might be New York democracy, but it public opinion. What the facts were, Mr. F. knew not; was not the kind of democracy which prevailed in Ten- but it was due to Mr. Woodbury, and due to the country,

There it was held that the rule of democracy 1 that the charges made on the floor of that House, by one


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Mar 23, 1836.)

Fortification Bill.

[H. OF R.

of its distinguished members, should have been met. He surrounded, proclaim a navy to be our only system of would say no man was above public opinion, not even enlarged national defence. Our expenditures for forti. General Washington himself, in his day. It was a des fications ought to be made exclusively with a view to potic doctrine to say that any man was above public give protection and energy to our navy. With our exopinion, where “a King could do no wrong." After tensive coast, you may make fortifications for land dedwelling on these topics for some time, he concluded; | fence, and have your system, as you may suppose, perand

fect; but give your enemy ascendency upon the ocean, Mr. PICKENS obtained the floor, and said he would and they will land their forces at whatever points they move that the committee rise, though, if it was desired, may think proper. No commercial country can rely for he would proceed.

defence upon any thing but a well-regulated navy. Mr. PEARCE, of Rhode Island, said it was evident Our true policy of defence is to increase and strengthen there was not a quorum present, and he asked that the it by judicious points of fortification, so as to enable us to Chair count the committee.

protect our whole coast by a stronger naval power than The Chairman counted, and reported only fifty-one any nation would be able to concentrate against us. members present.

With this view, and looking to the natural division of our Mr. MERCER said a quorum was doubtless within the coast into four great bays as it were-the first from PasCapitol, and he would take that opportunity of sending samaquoddy to Cape Cod, the second from Cape Cod to to the Chair an amendment to the amendment, authori- Cape Hatteras, the third from Cape Hatteras to Cape zing the President of the United States to expend so Florida, and the fourth to the Sabine I would say that much of said sum as he may deem expedient for the exlensive navy yards, with efficient fortifications, should purpose of establishing a national foundry. Mr. M. be established at the most suitable points between these (Mr. Pickens having given way) made a few remarks different capes, so that an ordinary naval force, with in relation to his amendment.

brave and enterprising men, could easily defend the Mr. MASON, of Virginia, was in favor of the object of whole frontier, and at the same time protect our com. his colleague, but he would suggest some limitation of merce. For instance, I would have such a navy yard the amount to be appropriated for the purpose, say one

with fortifications at or near Boston--the same at or hundred thousand dollars.

near New York-then at Norfolk and the mouth of the Mr. MERCER replied that a limitation was hardly Chesapeake--the same at Charleston-and then at Pennecessary, inasmuch as money laid out for cannon was sacola, for the defence of the Gulf, and the commerce of just as valuable to the country as if it was preserved the West. I would place these points on the best and gold or silver coin. He again entered into a brief state. strongest footing, equal to any in Europe, and make litment, showing the necessity of the Government having tle or no expenditures on any other points, so far as our a foundry of its own, and thereby the insuring of the Atlantic frontier is concerned. manufacture of a good material. He preferred leaving It is all idle and visionary to atiempt to place our coast the sum to be expended to the discretion of the Exec. ' in a perfect state of defence by stationary fortifications; utive.

this can alone be done by those that move upon the face Mr. PICKENS said it was not agreeable to him to of the deep. There is scarcely any fortification but trespass upon the attention of the committee, and he what can be passed under favorable tides and winds, trusted he never could be induced to do so except from and it is a military maxim that there is none but what considerations of duty.

can be taken. Look to those that were erected at Mr. Chairman, this debate has taken a wide range, Antwerp, with so much skill and labor, on the same and doctrines have been advanced and sentiments plan of Fortress Monroe, and which Bonaparte himself avowed, against which I feel bound to raise my most pronounced impregnable, and what was the result? The solemn protest. The chairman of the Committee of French battered them to the ground in twenty-four “ Ways and Means" (Mr. CAMBRELENG] withdrew an hours. The truth is, that for an invading force on land amendment on a former bill embracing the same princi- we must at last rely upon “ high minds and brave ples, but declared that he would consider the whole de. hearts,” with bayonets, and not fortifications. Besides, bate as open upon the present occasion.

sir, the genius of our institutions is at war with a stand. However, before I proceed to reply to what has been ing army. But extend your visionary and wanton advanced by other gentlemen, I propose to make a few schemes of fortifications, and they call for an increased observations on the general principles which shall govern force to keep them in repair. Sir, I rejoice to say that my vote on the bill immediately under the consideration I believe the majority of the officers of your present of the cummittee.

army are men worthy to be trusted with the liberties of As to appropriations towards those fortifications cal their country. But increase your military points, and culated to give efficiency and protection to our navy, I call for a corresponding increase of men, and then place perhaps would be inclined to go as far as most gentle. all under profligate and ambitious rulers, and there is no men. I am in favor of those that are important for these patriot who will not tremble for the consequences to bis purposes, and no other, so far as the Atlantic coast is country. concerned. I look upon it as one of the most idle and Mr. Chairman, there has been a great change in the visionary schemes that has ever been conceived, to at- condition and resources of our country within the last tempt a military line of fortifications on our Atlantic few years. Under the application of steam power to coast, similar to those which European Governments have our coast and rivers, remote sections have been brought adopted. Our population, comparatively speaking, is together, and the energies of the community have been sparse, and we have a coast equal in extent to the whole condensed. Our weakness, arising from a sparse popuwestern coast of Europe. Under these circumstances, lation, has been to a great extent overcome. If this be our resources would not justify an attempt to encircle the effect of steam as applicable to the water, what must ourselves with a system of fortifications on a plan similar be the operation of things under the tremendous schemes to those which more populous and far less extensive that are now in progress to bring the interior West to countries have adopted. Besides, we bav no border the seacoast by means of railroads? I would rather Powers against wbich it may be necessary to protect have one railroad running from our coast into that brave ourselves. We are remote from all other Powers, with and enterprising country, for the purposes of defence, an immense and increasing commerce. Our physical than all the fortifications your overflowing Treasury can position, and all the circumstances with which we are erect. For military purposes, heretofore, communities H. OF R.]

Fortification Bill.

(Mar 23, 1836.


are so.

have been strong in proportion to the denseness of their feelings and institutions of every civilized community on population. But the recent triumphs of invention and earth. In those great struggles which ended in the over. art over nature seem likely to develop new energy and throw of feudal barbarism, the contest was for individ. resources, and may change the whole scheme of mili: ual and personal liberty. But since the combination of tary defences in an extensive and widely populated the Holy Alliance, together with all the improvements country. Under these views, I shall never vote for any and schemes of modern society, every thing seems to tend fortification that cannot be shown to be necessary for towards an amalgamation of all Christendom into one the strength and support of the navy. I would desire to system of organization, and the great contest now is for have but sew points, and place them on the most liberal the political independence of separate communities. and substantial basis. It is nothing but a wanton waste This view becomes deeply interesting to us as independ. of the public money to attempt to embrace too many in. ent States. An habitual exclusiun of any portion of terests, and cover 100 many points.

the States of this confederacy from the fiscal benefits of But, sir, I will now look at the operation of this sys- this Government, and power over its action, must end tem in another point of view. While you have been ex. in a sacrifice of their political independence. Hence it pending, for the last twenty years, imillions upon mil. is, that political power becomes deeply identified with sions in certain sections of ihis Union, other extensive political liberty. A people to be free must feel that they sections have been, to a great extent, entirely neglected. When my colleague, (Mr. TROMPSON,] some weeks since, Compare these great principles with what now actual. with so much ability, demonstrated the unequal opera. ly exists and what has existed for the last twenty years. tion of your naval appropriations, he drew but a just in that period of time, this Government has collected picture of this Government in all its fiscal operations. $420,000,000, and after throwing out of the calculation As to our navy, I am disposed to make some allowances the $130,000,000 which have been appropriated for the for appropriations heretofore, from the fact that our ton payment of the public debt, we then hare left $290,nage has been owned in, and our large commercial trans. 000,000, of which $210,000,000 have been disbursed in actions have, in a great measure, taken place in those the middle and Northern sections, while only $80,000,000 sections where the demand and supplies for a navy and have been disbursed in all the other sections. its appendages were naturally called for. But we have Let not gentlemen suppose that the West and South now reached a new era in our affairs, when other sec. are factious, when they oppose this system of disburse. tions and other interests must be attended to. Hereto- ments. No! they see involved in it the highest interests fore your Government has been profuse in its expendi- and even the liberties of their country. tures for the desence of those portions of your country come now to what has een advanced by others in which you boast of as being naturally the strongest, while the progress of this debate. The chairman of the “Ways you have neglected those portions which you have pro and Means" observed that the revenue system which ibis claimed to be the weakest. Is this the sound policy ihat Government had adopted for the last twenty years was should direct the energies of a fostering Government to the most unjust and oppressive that was ever adopted by protect equally the exposed points of a united people! any civilized Government. In this, sir, I agree with

Let it not be supposed that we complain of the une. bim. He also said that the commencement of this sys. qual disbursements, merely for the dollars and cents in. lem was the tariff of 1816. To a considerable extent, volved. No; it is because the operation is deeply con. I agree with him here too. But when he came to assert nected with the great principles of liberty. As a peo. that the “compromise bill” was the consummation of ple under one Government, we present a different state that system, I confess I could not exactly understand of things from any other people. We are one for cer. him. There are principles in this bill which by no means tain great purposes, and separate for others. As far as receive my approbation. The gentleman spoke of the the pecuniary and fiscal transactions of Government are evils complained of from the surplus in the Treasury, concerned, it is not to be disguised that we have section. / and intimated that if it had not been for the “compro. al interests differently affected. As far as the States mise," a system would have been adopted which would are concerned, we have in each peculiar sentiments, have reduced the revenue now down io the wants of the habits, and feelings. To preserve these is the very es- Government. All this sounded very well from the gen. sence of our separate independence and existence.' No lleman in one part of his remarks. But when he camo people can be free and independent who are habitually to another part, where he was altempting to defeat the and systematically excluded from the favors and benefits “ land bill," or any other just distribution of this sur. of the Government that acts upon them. Let it become plus amongst the Stales, I confess I was astonished to see fixed, as a settled policy, that the West and the South ihe gentleman labor so hard to prove that there was and are only to feel this Government in its exactions, while would be no surplus. other sections are to feel it in its disbursementslet it He entered into a long calculation to show that there be known that we are to be converted into Roman prov. would be no more than the wants of the Government inces, from which you are to collect treasure and wealth would require. At one moment, he denounced the to be distributed amongst those who may be styled “Ro. “ compromise" as producing the evils of the surplus, to man citizens”-and then, sir, if such a system is to last- show how much better others could have done for the if this state of things is to be continued, you will soon country; and then, when he desired to retain what was see, under it, our industry and enterprise droop and in the Treasury from a distribution, he attempts to prove grow dull; you will see our spirits wither and die; genius that the same “compromise" has produced no surplus will turn from lofty aspiration; our people will lose their beyond what the Government will actually want. I burning feeling of patriotism; and from manly independ- leave the gentleman to reconcile this palpable absurdity ence we will tamely sink down to become serfs and and contradiction in his argument, if argument it can be vassals under a mighty empire, where even the very called. But, sir, this contradiction was not more aston. boundaries of the States will be lost and forgotten amid ishing to me than the reasoning by which he jumped at the ruin and desolation thrown over a broken and dis- his conclusions. He spoke loudly on the “ebbs and beartened country!

Aoods” of importations and exportations; and from some. It is useless and idle, at this period of the world, to thing connecied with these "ebbs and foods" which be talk about liberty, so far as it may be identified with per. knew of, he asserted that two years hence our importa. sonal rights and individual protection. These stand se. tions would not exceed $40,000,000, and upon this our cured, and are, to a great extent, consecrated in the ' imposts would yield $10,000,000 of revenue.

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