ductions of the customs duties on the trade and prosperity of the community had been realized, that it was resolved, on the part of the Government, to submit to their Lordships a still further reduction. Ac

suggest from the Throne whether it would not, looking to the history of the past, be desirable that their Lordships should consider whether a further removal of prohibitory and restrictive duties might not be advisable. The Tariff which he now had the honour of presenting to their Lordships comprehended very many articles, and proceeded in the same direction as the Tariffs of preceding years; it was regulated by the same principle, but in a different degree. By the 4th Clause of the Bill, it was proposed that the duties should be removed entirely from all articles of food of first necessity, whether they con

tions in the customs duties to the amount articles connected with them. He had of 4,214,000l., yet the customs revenue now given their Lordships very shortly an amounted in 1845 to 19,800,000l., whilst outline of the effect of the reduction of in 1842 it amounted to only 19,600,000l.; duties during the last four years; and it that was to say, that whilst there had was on a review of these facts-it was been a reduction in the customs duties of from observing that the anticipations en4,200,000l. in four years, the customs re-tertained with respect to the effect of revenue was larger in the last of those four years than in the first by 200,000l. No stronger proof could be afforded that the reduction of duties, while it increased the imports and exports of the country, decreased in no material respect the particu-cordingly, Her Majesty was advised to lar revenue arising from those articles on which revenue was raised. He (the Earl of Dalhousie) did not wish for a moment to lead their Lordships to suppose that he wished to represent that the whole of the increase in the customs revenue was traceable to the reductions which had been made in the customs duties-very far from it: but what he had a right to contend for was, that the anticipations expressed that the reduction of the customs duties would not only be injurious to the community but to the revenue, were completely contradicted by these figures, inasmuch as they showed that the customs revenue had increased by 200,0007.; and if that im-sisted of live animals, or of meat fresh or provement were not to be attributed to the reduction of the customs duties, it must be owing to the improved condition of the people. Thus he had the fact that the reduction of the duties had not diminished the revenue, and had not been at-ple of which their Lordships had given tended with those injurious effects on the population which by some had been prognosticated. He was aware that much of this prosperity might be attributed to favourable circumstances in reference to the bountiful harvests with which it had pleased Providence to bless this country. He was ready to admit that; but, nevertheless, their Lordships would recollect other times, when harvests had been equally bountiful, and when the same effects had not been shown on the customs revenue. So, while he admitted that the bounty of Providence in bestowing fruitful and abundant harvests had had some effect, he was not prepared to admit that to that circumstance was to be assigned the entire result. He was entitled likewise to attribute the increase in the customs revenue to the reduction of the duties on raw materials, reducing the price of articles to the consumer, and leading not only to the increased consumption of the particular articles with respect to which the reduction of duty was effected, but also of other

preserved, or meat in any shape that could be called an article of necessity. In conformity with this principle, actuated by the desire to do strict justice, and in consideration of the other measure, to the princi

their assent on a previous evening, it was felt by Her Majesty's Government that they could not, upon any principle of justice or good faith, keep up a protecting duty upon any articles of manufactures which came under the same category-on woollens, on linens, and on cottons-with the exception of those articles which were made up for the purposes of luxury less than for those of general use and necessity. The duty was, therefore, proposed to be removed from all articles manufactured from woollens, cottons, and linens, in the mass, except those articles which were manufactured for luxury, such as damask table-cloths and cambrics, and others of a like nature, on which a certain amount of duty was still to be retained. He held in his hand a return of the value of the several articles of cotton, woollen, and linen entered for home consumption in the last year. It appeared that the value of the articles made from cotton was 39,1007., while the amount proposed to be repealed upon these articles was 35,000l., leaving

only a duty upon 3,600l. to be levied. | manufactured articles, whereas that of Again, upon woollens the value of the im- 1842 was 20 per cent. There were two ported articles manufactured abroad was other articles of consumption upon which 162,000l., and it was proposed to reduce the duty was now proposed to be altered, the duty upon 158,000l. of these; conse-namely, butter and cheese. In 1842 these quently the value of the articles on which articles had not been touched purely upon the duty was to be retained was about consideration of revenue, because both pro3,000l. There was some difficulty in re duced large sums to the public. But when gard to linens, as one portion of the arti- it was proposed to reduce the duty genercles made of it were taken by value, and ally upon food and clothing of all kinds, it another by measurement; but it appeared would be at once inconsistent and unjust to that the value was 12,4537., the value of omit them for that reason from the reducthose upon which it was proposed to reduce tion. When their Lordships came to the the duty was 9,900l., being cambrics, Committee he would be prepared to state French lawns, embroidered handkerchiefs, the case at large; but he believed that the damasks, diapers, &c., all purely articles quantity of these articles introduced into of luxury, and not of necessity to the great this country from abroad, as compared with body of the people. He was anxious to the produce of England and Ireland, would make this statement, because at the outset be found to be very insignificant, and that the Government had been met with the ob- the price of the articles depended not upon jection that inasmuch as the measure was the amount of the duty, but upon the para free-trade measure, the principle of excep- ticular demand for them in certain places. tion, as applied to any article, was one of The other articles which it was proposed to injustice and that the whole duty should deal with were brandies and generally founder such circumstances, be removed, or reign spirits. The duty upon them at preotherwise not removed at all. But in sent was 22s. 6d. the gallon. It was well point of fact, with respect to those articles known to their Lordships that in spite of of linen on which the duty was retained, all the exertions of the Custom-house, the they were purely articles of luxury; and quantity of these articles brought into the with regard to those which were composed country surreptitiously was extremely large. of linen and woollen, they were principally The Government were of opinion that the made-up articles, such as shirts and other duty of 22s. 6d. was a far higher duty than matters of that kind, which gave employ- the article would bear, without fostering ment to the poor when made in this coun- smuggling. The Government did not antry; and in justice to them the duty on ticipate, by the reduction they proposed, these articles should be retained. The any very general increase of consumption. next article on which the duty was to be But their object was to defeat the operaremoved was silk; but as his noble Friend tions of the smuggler, and only to impose near him had given notice of a Motion on such a duty as would not make it worth that subject on going into Committee, he his while to carry on the illicit trade; so (the Earl of Dalhousie) should not detain that the article when imported, would be their Lordships by dwelling on it then. He sent through the Custom-house, and a should merely state the single fact that, demoralizing and irregular trade extinwhereas the duty upon that article now guished. The last article to which he professed to be 30 per cent upon the value, should refer was one, the reduction of in consequence of the alterations in value which was only prospective — namely, which had taken place since 1826-the timber. period of the last regulation of the Tariff as respected it-the duty had practically increased, so as to be now in effect 100, 150, and even 200 per cent. In the Tariff now proposed, the whole was calculated at a uniform duty of 15 per cent upon the article. In like manner, in respect to articles manufactured of metal, brass, iron, steel, lead, tin, &c., the principle of the duty in 1842 was 20 per cent upon them; but it was now proposed to reduce it to 10 per cent. The ruling figure of the Tariff now proposed was 10 per cent upon

In 1842 a reduction had been made in the duty upon colonial timber to 1s.- -a nominal amount; while upon foreign timber it had been reduced, in 1843, from 55s. to 25s. The return which he had already alluded to showed the effect of the reduction upon the imports of articles in the periods that had intervened. Between 1840 and 1842 the customs duties on timber were computed on a different principle to what they were subsequently. In 1842, under the new system, they were taken by measurement. These were the returns as regarded

Simultaneously, too, with the increase in the consumption of foreign timber there had been a large increase in the consump-free trade, therefore inconsistent. Now, tion of colonial timber.

their Lordships. The Queen's Speech re- | his noble Friend tell them what the effect commended this measure, but that was the of this measure had already been on the Speech of the Ministers. wages of the paper-stainers? Their Lordships were aware that foreign paper could now come in in anticipation of the passing of this measure, He understood that before this measure was proposed the paperstainers were earning about 21. 10s. per week, which was not too high, considering the rent they had to pay, and the price they had to give for water and other necessaries which they required quite as much as cheap bread; for while there was much talk about "cheap bread,' the labourers and workmen in our large towns were greatly in want of cheap water; and monstrous good care was taken by levying an excise duty upon malt, that they did not get anything better. The

The EARL of DALHOUSIE said, he did not make use of the words "recommended by the Crown," in his address to their Lordships; and he begged of the noble Duke not to misapprehend his statements. What he did say was, that, acting on their experience of the past, the responsible advisers of the Crown had recommended Her Majesty to suggest the measure in the Speech from the Throne. He had never said anything which could be construed into a statement that such was the opinion of the Crown; only that it had been recommended by Her Majesty's Ministers.

he had mentioned, worked only four days in the week; but since the proposition to reduce the duty on foreign paper, they had been compelled to work six days a week, while their wages had been reduced to 30s. a week. His real objection to all these free-trade measures was, that they must have this effect-to reduce the wages of our own artisans and labourers. His noble Friend (the Earl of Dalhousie) had characterized damask and some other articles as luxuries, and had said that on that account it was not deemed advisable to reduce the duties upon them. He (the Duke of Richmond) had not the least wish to lower these protective duties; he was for keeping up every one of them. He wished the cotton

The DUKE of RICHMOND was glad to hear his noble Friend's explanation, and to find that he agreed with him that no mea-paper-stainers, while receiving the wages sure ought to be urged on the adoption of Parliament, simply on the ground that it had been recommended by the Crown. But he wished also to observe that his noble Friend, in laying before them the returns of exports and imports, had omitted to tell them, as he did in 1842, the value of the articles at the present moment on which he proposed to reduce the duty. He saw that by this Bill they were going to reduce the duty on butter and cheese. He had always thought it. was a principle with Chancellors of the Exchequer not to reduce duties which were increasing duties. Now he believed it would be found that both these duties were increasing; and it appeared to him, therefore, there could be no reason whatever for reducing them, ex-manufacturing labourers to be protected as cept hostility to the agricultural interests. well as the farmers. But, as his noble His noble Friend told them that he re- Friend had characterized the articles to tained the duty on manufactured cotton which he referred as luxuries, he (the Duke goods. Now, he must say, that this was of Richmond) must beg to ask why the treating the cotton manufacturers ex-duty upon carriages had been reduced? tremely ill. Their Lordships would remember that within the last fortnight his noble Friend had told them that the manufacturers required no protection at all-that they could make up any disadvantage by their industry, skill, and Heaven knew what besides; and that they were anxious to be rid of all protection. He (the Duke of Richmond) could not see why cotton dresses should not be imported free into this country as well as corn, and why the farmer's and labourer's wife should not have a cheap dress as well as the manufacturer and the operative cheap corn. But his objection for taking off protective duties was, that they would thereby substitute foreign labour for their own. Would

Was not a carriage a luxury? Was not silk a luxury? He complained that the proposers of these free-trade measures did not carry out their principles. They reduced the duty on some luxuries, that the Minister's wife might go to Court in a very fine gown and in an elegant carriage; while they retained the duty on other luxuries. He believed that the persons employed by the coach-manufacturers of this country would suffer very materially from the reduction of duty on foreign carriages. Again, his noble Friend was going to reduce the duties on spirits. Now his noble Friend had attempted to show, with respect to all other articles, that a reduction of duties had been compensated for by

increased consumption; but when he came | alluded to the reduction of duty on linen, as to spirits he stood steady, and said the re-affording some compensation; but his noble duction of duty on spirits would not in- Friend must have forgotten that if this crease the consumption. He was sorry would not prejudicially affect the English the right rev. prelate (the Bishop of Nor- agriculturist, it would very seriously affect wich), who had presented so many peti- the agricultural population in the most tions against the consumption of spirits on prosperous and peaceable part of Ireland. the Sabbath, was not then present, that Believing, therefore, that the application he might protest against the increased fa- of the principles of the Government in this cilities which this Bill would give to spirit- measure were unequal and unjust, he felt drinking. As to the plea of preventing it his duty to protest against it. smuggling, he was convinced that if the Custom-house officers did their duty, they were well able to prevent smuggling; and it would be readily admitted that there was much less smuggling in this country now than formerly. He would not say whether a great quantity of silks might not have been smuggled by some large houses in the metropolis; but, as a resident in a maritime county, he would venture to say that smuggling was not now carried on to onequarter the extent it was thirty years ago. After the decision their Lordships had come to the other evening, he (the Duke of Richmond) felt it was of very little use to trouble them at any length upon this question, for he well knew what their decision would be. He would, however, move, that this Bill be read a second time that day six months; and he protested against it, as having a tendency to decrease the wages of employment of the working classes of this country.

The EARL of WICKLOW said, he thought there was great injustice in the anomalous and inconsistent manner in which the Government were attempting to carry out their principles in this measure. If the Government had proposed a measure of this kind which put all classes on an equality, he would have been one of the first to support it; but he thought in the whole course of their proceedings in this as well as in the great measure they discussed the other night, they had acted on a system of injustice which ought not to be allowed in this country. His noble Friend (the Earl of Dalhousie) said, that he expected a great increase of revenue from the reduction of duties, and this might be a very good reason for reducing duties; but his noble Friend was going by his Bill to abolish several duties, by which means he must abolish the revenue derived from them altogether. In glancing over the Tariff he found there were forty-eight articles on which the duties were abolished altogether, and he found that twenty-two of these were duties in favour of agriculture. His noble Friend had

EARL GREY said, that to a considerable extent he concurred in the opinions just expressed by his noble Friend (Earl of Wicklow). He was bound to say that, looking at the Bill, he could not see any distinct principle fairly and fully carried out. His noble Friend (the Earl of Dalhousie) told them that the principle on which the Government proceeded had been to get rid of prohibitory duties, and to reduce protective duties, and at the same time he told them they considered protective duties to be unsound in principle. Now if this were so, it seemed to him that the proper course for the Government to adopt would be to get rid of them altogether. At least, they should act on one plan or the other. He could understand his noble Friend on the cross benches, who thought everything should be protected, although he (Earl Grey) believed this would soon deprive them of all trade; and, on the other haud, he could understand and agree with those who thought protective duties were altogether wrong; and in that opinion he entirely concurred, for he believed that the utmost possible freedom of exchange among nations, added to their mutual wealth and to the comfort and enjoyment of their people; but he could not understand this half measure of the Government, which was partly in favour of protection and partly against it. The noble Lord had said, however, that the Government reserved to themselves the right of applying this principle gradually, and with due regard to the welfare of existing interests, which had sprung up under the protective system. He (Earl Grey) considered that nothing could be more mischievous and injurious to those interests than the laying down a principle which would ultimately lead to the entire abolition of all protective duties, and yet partially retaining them. Such a system would occasion constant uncertainty and changes. What had been its effect already? They commenced the reduction of duties in 1842, when the Government declared that 20 per cent should