upon that one of his first attempts at Irish | legislation; and that, moreover, upon the very intricate and delicate question of the relation between landlord and tenant.

MR. WYSE asked if any provision had been made for securing the tenant from paying his rent to the head landlord if the middleman failed, though he might have paid it already to the middleman himself?

The EARL of LINCOLN thought though the law was as the hon. Gentleman stated, that, practically, the case was not of frequent occurrence; that, however, was not a reason why they should not interfere

with it. He had recommended the intro

duction of a provision on the subject; but

it had been struck out on the advice of an eminent lawyer connected with Ireland; he could not tell exactly the reason why it was struck out; but he would ascertain before the next discussion what were the objections to it.

SIR R. FERGUSON said, there was an Act of Parliament passed eleven years ago, by which a person who obtained a verdict in such a case could recover what he had paid, and 10 per cent on the amount.

CORN IMPORTATION BILL-ADJOURNED

DEBATE.

The Order of the Day for the Adjourned Debate on the Corn Importation Bill having been read,

your

MR. P. SCROPE concurred in the approval that had been bestowed on the measures; but he should deceive the House if he led it to believe they would be sufficient. Nine persons out of ten who gave evidence before the Devon Commission un- The MARQUESS of EXETER said: My derstood by compensation to tenants, com- Lords, I rise to offer to your Lordships a pensation for improvements already made, few observations upon this important quesas well as for the future. Considering the tion, and to lay before your Lordships a few enormous number of the tenant class in facts derived from private documents in Ireland-upwards of 600,000-and that regard to wages, which, I think, in addias a general rule all improvements were tion to the able arguments brought forward made by the tenant, he thought there would by my noble Friends, ought to induce be very little satisfaction felt with it, unless Lordships either to reject this measure, or the compensation was made retroactive. to render its provisions innocuous to the The late fatal affray at Birdhill arose from labouring classes. Before I proceed, howthe refusal of a landlord to allow compensa- ever, I must express my regret at finding tion for improvements to an outgoing ten-myself opposed to my Friend the noble ant. That was only one case out of Duke and his Colleagues; but, my Lords, many. He believed it would readily be admitted that the rights of property in land were founded upon an assumption that the party who held the land, or those from whom he derived, had improved the land, and brought it out of a state of nature. Now, if the right of the landlord were founded upon the principle of improvement, how much more so were the rights of the tenant? With these observations, he should on the present occasion content himself; and he earnestly hoped that he had said nothing calculated to disturb the harmony

we have each of us a duty to perform in this House to the Crown and to the country, which is paramount to every other consideration. I had hoped, before the second reading of this Bill, to have implored your Lordships not to abandon the opinions that you have so often expressed in favour of agricultural protection, and in regard to the necessity of protecting native industry, lest you should lose your high character as a legislative body, and show the country that you are but a passive instrument in the hands of a despotic Minister, who, hav

ing changed his own opinions, has sent this falling-off of the resources of the agriculmeasure up from the other House of Par- turists, he will call in vain for gold from liament by the aid of persons to whom, the manufacturing districts; and instead of up to the present time, he has been dia- gold he will find himself surrounded with metrically opposed in principle; having so masses of unsaleable cotton goods, which contrived to break up parties, that neither will be offered to him at reduced prices. his late friends nor his former opponents Now, my Lords, before I proceed to the have found themselves in a position to form question of wages, I will just advert to a Government; although I believe that the state of the country when this measure both at the present moment are more nu- was first proposed; and I find that, under merous than his own supporters. This the old system of protection, which the fact ought, I think, to have induced your noble Lord behind me sneered at last night, Lordships to have stopped this Bill at the country was in a prosperous condition: once, that a precedent might not be set the agriculturists were just recovering from which hereafter, if followed by any ambi- the effects of the last alteration in the tious and designing Minister, might alike Corn Laws; the labourers were receiving endanger the security of the Crown, as well good wages, and in consequence of the as the independence of the country. Un-demand of labour for railways were well fortunately, your Lordships have allowed employed; and the manufacturing districts this Bill to be read a second time; but how were in a flourishing condition. There was has it been carried? Not by any strong nothing to be uneasy about at home, exmanifestation of feeling in this House or cepting a sudden disease amongst the the country in its favour; not by any ur-potato crops, which threatened to occasion gent arguments for its adoption; but by considerable distress in certain districts in the sudden amalgamation of two parties Ireland, which it was quite right the Goof rival leaders who have been outbidding vernment should be prepared to alleviate, each other in liberality for the last fifteen but which, in my opinion, was the very years, aided by the deservedly invincible reason for not interfering with the Corn influence of the noble Duke, who having Laws, that the labourers in England, by a consented to remain a Member of the Go- fall in prices might not also be reduced to vernment, has assisted in forcing this mea- a state of distress, by the want of employsure through the House. But what is the ment. And what are the arguments by object of it? Why, under the plea of which it has been enforced? By exaggerated giving cheap food to the people. to subject accounts of scarcity and famine, which the heavily-taxed producers and labourers have turned out fallacious, and which ought of this country to a competition with the never to have been brought forward, when, untaxed labour of other nations; to lower through the bounty of Providence, there is the agricultural interest by the removal of grain enough in the country to feed the protection; and to set up the manufacturing whole population, if they had but money to interest as the predominant and fructifying purchase it? And who are the persons by interest of all others. It is difficult to whom it has been brought forward? Why, account for this sudden change in the Gentlemen who up to the present time have opinions of the author of this measure, un-been warm advocates for protection. Who less he has been enamoured by the great have told you that protection was neceswealth which has poured out of the manu- sary, on account of the heavy burdens facturing districts for the purpose of rail- upon land, on account of the large sums ways, or has been fascinated by the enor-invested in the cultivation of the soil, mous sums subscribed for interfering with and on account of the great distress it the elective franchise, and has conceived would occasion, by the displacement of lathat if he could only divert some of this bour, if protection were to be withdrawn; wealth into his Exchequer, he would, for but who now turn round upon us, and, the future, be free from all anxiety about adopting the language of the Anti-Cornthe revenue. But, my Lords, I believe Law League, tell us that protection is no that he will find himself mistaken. He longer politic, and that a tax upon food is may have power to set up his idol and bow unjust? Now, my Lords, I shall endeavour down to it; he may encourage the manu- to prove the converse of this proposition; facturers to increase their production, and and the fairest way of doing it, I consider, for a time, perhaps, all may appear to be will be to compare the charges imposed going on prosperously; but when his Ex-upon the country in the year 1792, with chequer shall become deficient from the those of the last year. I fix upon that

£9,426,858 To April 5

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.

£19,258,814 | Income
17,437,441 Expenditure

Excess of Income, Poor Rate, and Highway Rate in 1846, over the like charges in 1792 £41,970,103
Excess of Expenditure, with like charges, in 1846, over 1792

&c. 128. per week.

Average price of labour, for garden, park, and farm | Average price of wages for garden, park, farm, labourers, 6s. per week. 12s. per week having been the ruling wages since 1815, with very few exceptions.

It is evident from this statement, which I hope I have rendered intelligible, that the amount of wages depends more upon the burdens which press upon labour than upon the price of corn; for unless the labourer can obtain as much for his labour as will defray the expense of the taxed articles which he consumes, as well as to supply the other wants of his family, he is no longer in an independent condition, but is upon the verge of pauperism. Now, if this measure should pass, and the price of wheat and other grain should fall as much as we apprehend, how can the farmer pay the amount of wages to the labourer which the burden of taxation renders necessary? The thing will be impossible, and the result will be that the farmer, being in distress, will not be able to employ the labourer; and the independent and now happy labourer will become a brokenhearted pauper. It is unjust, therefore, to deprive the farmer and labourer of protection, unless you first diminish the burdens which press upon their industry. Either you should reduce the national debt in the same proportion which the repeal of the Corn Laws will diminish their incomes, or you should retain the Corn Laws to keep up their capital, so as to make the pressure of taxation less onerous. But this measure does neither, but will reduce the capital of the landed interest onethird, and thereby will augment the pressure of taxation upon the whole community. It may have the effect of lowering wages a little, which is the sole object of the League; but I deny that it will assist the manufacturer, for what he may gain in a foreign market he will sacrifice doubly in the home and colonial markets. The malt tax, the spirit duties, the duties on tea, sugar, tobacco, and hops, are the taxes which th emost press upon labour; but until you can reduce those and the national

debt, which you cannot do till 1860, you have no right to take away protection from native industry. I cannot help expressing my great regret that many of the right rev. Prelates, for whom I have the highest respect, should have thought it their duty to vote for the second reading of this Bill. I had expected, as they are the only representatives of the Clergy, whose interests will suffer so extremely from this measure, that they would have opposed it as a measure most hurtful to the interests of the Church. My surprise is, that many of those who have been asserting the necessity of augmenting poorer livings, and using their best exertions to carry out the object of the present Commission, should have voted for a measure that must indisputably affect the incomes of the poorer Clergy, and stultify-such would be the effect-all they have been doing to augment them during the last few years. I can assure the right rev. Bench that their Clergy will feel their desertion most acutely. I had some conversation with several, in which I told them that I had heard reports that the Bishops intended to support the measure; but one and all declared they did not think the right rev. Bench would so betray their trust. Even now the incomes of many of the Clergy are so limited, that they cannot assist their parishioners as much as they desire to do; and if this Bill should unhappily pass, the calls upon them will be more numerous, and they will be less able to relieve them from their diminished resources. However, as your Lordships have, however unfortunately, allowed this Bill to pass the second reading, it remains for me to implore your Lordships so to reconsider this question and so alter this Bill when it shall get into the Committee, as may render it as little hurtful as possible to the country, if it shall not ultimately be rejected by

the line of conduct he should pursue. He had struggled hard with his own humble opinions to see if he could bring them into harmony with those of the authors of the measure, hoping to avoid that which he conceived to be almost an unmitigated evil, namely, a separation from the political Friends with whom he had acted since he had the honour of a seat in that House. His course of conduct, also, involved the public situation which he had held; and great as was the honour of that station, he felt it was of very inferior value when compared to the marks of condescension which he had received from the highest quarters, and which he would not dare to allude to further than to express his deep and lasting gratitude. But, notwithstand

your Lordships. In order to do so, I will just advert to the period when this measure was first suggested-one of the most extraordinary features of which is, that it was proposed at a time when the country was in a state of great prosperity. I think I have now shown your Lordships that we have been living under a Constitution based upon agriculture, of which protection has hitherto been considered the vital principle. Under it our manufactures have flourished and increased beyond all expectation; and although our expenses have been enormous, we have been enabled to sustain public credit and to raise sufficient grain to feed our increasing population at as low a price before the burdens to which I have alluded were imposed upon the country. I think I may assert, there-ing the consideration to which he had refore, that it has been based upon a proper foundation, for it has proved itself to be founded upon a rock. But this Bill proposes to us a new Constitution, of which the manufacturing interest is to be the foundation, and free trade its vital principle. It is to be supported by a theore-thinking that had brought him to the contical increased supply and demand from foreign nations, aided by impoverished home and colonial demands. It may flourish in times of peace; but if war shall occur, being dependent upon foreign nations for the supply of food, it will be annihilated like a house built upon the seashore, for it will have no real foundation and no resources to sustain it. I trust, therefore, your Lordships will reject this Bill.

ferred, he had been compelled to come to the conclusion that as an honest man he could not give his support to this measure. At that period of this protracted debate, it would ill become him to enter into detail, with a view to explain the process of

clusion at which he had arrived. It was sufficient to say, that he had given to the measure all the attention he could command-he had examined the arguments adduced by the supporters of this measure, and they had all failed to convince him that there was anything in the exigencies of the present time to call for it. No irresistible circumstances had suddenly come across them which rendered it necessary to change the current of their legislation. EARL DELAWARR assured their Lord- They were now told that it had been long ships that he rose to address the House running in the same course; but no necesonly from a pressing sense of public duty.sity had arisen to induce them to raise up From the first moment this measure was the remaining floodgates which had hitherannounced to the public, at the commence- to served to stem its too great impetuosity. ment of the present year, he, as an hum-He trusted it was unnecessary for him to say ble individual, yet as one who would be called upon to say aye or nay to this measure in his place in Parliament, foresaw that he would be placed in painful and difficult circumstances. He felt that on the one hand he should have to struggle with strong party and political attachments; and, on the other, with the stern requirements of public duty. He felt that on a question of this magnitude and importance -a question involving, he might say, fearful changes changes, at least, in his mind, of fearful import to the best interests of the country-it was the duty of every man, and that every man was solemnly and seriously called upon to consult his own conscience before he determined upon

that he did not mean to cast anything like reproach on his right hon. Friend the right hon. Baronet in another place, or on the noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington), or on his noble Frends on the bench below him, in consequence of the course they had adopted. He was sure the right hon. Gentleman and those noble Lords had on this occasion been-as they always had beenactuated by an overpowering motive in doing that which they thought to be best for the interests of the country. He thought the course they had taken was a mistaken one; but he was convinced that they had adopted it and carried it out, so far as it had been carried out, with that sincerity and singleness of purpose which he trusted