found their means greatly diminished, he | such and such laws were to be sacred, and could not conceive that anything less was such and such enacted, and who had comto be looked for than a great change in the mitted sacrilege upon the one, and not done mode by which the revenue was to be the other, were not required to appeal to raised. The protection they had enjoyed the people, then Parliament would find itwas not only to enable them to improve the self placed in a wrong and false position soil, but to bear the heavy burdens on real with the country. property. The amount of revenue of the land was 250,000,000l., the burdens imposed were 62,000,0007.; perhaps, if this were thought too little, he might say 80,000,000l. or 100,000,000l. Was the payment of these burdens to remain incumbent after protection was withdrawn? He said that it would be incumbent on Parliament, if protection were removed, to make all the other classes in the State take their share in bearing the burden of tithes, poorrates, &c. Some time since he had presented a petition from the Commissioners of the Bedford Level, in which the petitioners stated, that if protection were removed, they would be unable to maintain in cultivation that district which had been reclaimed from the sea. The rents which the landlords received there were not more than 11s. an acre; and the petition stated that such moderate rents were considered satisfactory, merely because it was expected that in time the district would have a natural drainage. It was an artificial country, purely cultivated by the power of the steamengine; it had been cultivated on the faith of the continuance of protection, and in the hope of eventual advantage from natural drainage; but with any great reduction of prices it would be impossible to keep up the cultivation. He should merely say that if the House passed this Bill, no doubt it would do so for reasons which would not injure the character of their Lordships as men of honour, desiring to do what was right, though their character as legislators, bound to protect the interests of these poorer classes, might be injured. Loss of character, in one sense, there would be in this business. A representative in Parliament becoming the servant of the Crown was, by the Constitution of this country, deemed to be so far a new man, that he must go back to the people for re-election; but where could be found a man so new as the man who had changed his opinionswho yesterday said, " Aye," and now said "No;" who to-day said, "Protection," and to-morrow, None?" Changing their office from that of servants of the people to servants of the Crown, men must go back to the people to be re-elected; and if those who had with the people agreed that 66 LORD KINNAIRD agreed with his noble Friend who had last addressed the House, in deprecating the clause which held this question in suspense for three years longer. He should certainly have preferred a total and immediate repeal. His noble Friend stated that, if this measure were carried, all the farmers of the country would become free traders. He (Lord Kinnaird) should not be surprised at that; for, as a member of the Anti-Corn-Law League, he might say that the principle of universal free trade was a principle on which they had always relied. One of the dangers the noble Lord opposite had set forward with much force was the irruption of foreign grain to be expected upon the reduction of the duty. That was an assertion which apparently deserved some attention; but in effect it would be found of no importance. There was a large quantity at present in bond which could not be sold at a profit to the merchant for less than 60s. per quarter; and what was rising in the corn-growing countries, in consequence of the demand for it to be sent to Holland and other parts. He contended that the improved method of cultivation which would be introduced would more than compensate for the less price to be obtained for the grain. The subject of wages had been alluded to; the landlords were not to blame for the low rate of wages; there was no set of men in any country so anxious to promote the welfare of their labourers as the landlords in England: but then the landlords should not maintain that agriculture was in such a prosperous state that the Corn Laws might be continued. He would instance the successful competition of the Scotch agriculturists with those of England as an example of the advantage to be derived from a better education of the agriculturist, and the introduction of a better system of farming. A friend of his stated to him that two Scotch agricultural labourers were fully equal to three labourers of Hampshire or Dorsetshire; and their work, besides being equal in quantity, would be much better done. What was wanted was an altogether better system of farming, so as to make the land produce what it ought, and then the English farmer with his means and advantages could compete with all the world land up the Ohio produced but ten | League to exist. Their Lordships would, bushels an acre, and we must make our he hoped, give them (the League) credit land produce twenty-eight or thirty. An for having remained perfectly quiscent durexperiment had been tried in Ireland on two fields, side by side; one was cultivated on the old system, and the net profit for three years was 6l. 12s. 6d.; the other was cultivated on an improved system, and thoroughly manured, and the profit for the same period was 231. 7s. 6d. Much had been said about the ruinous effect which the repeal of the Corn Laws would have upon the value of landed property. He (Lord Kinnaird) had had the advantage of hearing the opinion of Mr. Simpson, the eminent auctioneer, a few days back; and what did their Lordships think was the effect already produced? Mr. Simpson said, that in all his long experience, he had never known estates more in demand, or more easily either let or sold. Rents were rising, and prices were firm, and to be obtained with facility. Few better or more competent authorities than that gentleman could be found, and such was his statement; and he had added that the sliding as well as other scales had fallen from his eyes. But there was another high and competent authority, whose opinion was of great weight upon the question-he meant the tenantry themselves. On an estate which he (Lord Kinnaird) would mention as an instance merely of what was taking place, a number of farms having lately fallen out of lease, the tenants, in retaking them, demanded the insertion of a clause giving them the option, in case the Corn Laws should be repealed, of giving up their holdings. The agent consented upon condition that a similar option were given to the landlord of rescinding the lease, in case the property should, after the repeal of those laws, become more valuable. ing the progress of the debate in both Houses. To such an extent, indeed, had they been quiet as to have given some sort of right to the noble Lord opposite to say that no excitement could be got up by them in the towns upon the subject; but he could assure the noble Lord that the League had resisted all the applications which had been made to them from all parts of the country to make a movement during the discussion, from a motive of respect to their Lordships, to the other branch of the Legislature, and to the Government which had taken the matter in hand, lest it might be said of them, in case they made a great demonstration, that their intention was to intimidate their Lordships. He was well aware that the League had been already frequently charged with an attempt to intimidate; and he was equally aware that many protectionists had asserted that their Lordships could not be intimidated; but although that had been said, yet he could assure them that the motives of the League were such as he had stated. They would not give a colour to such an assertion. They left the matter in the hands of the Government, and to the wisdom and discernment of their Lordships and the other House of Parliament; and that had been the reason for the great quiescence of that body. But if their Lordships imagined that there was any apathy abroad upon the subject, they greatly mistook the feelings of the country. The opinions of the manufacturing districts were deep and unanimons. He could speak for Scotland from personal knowledge; and he should say that if they were disappointed in their expectation that the Corn Bill would pass The terms were agreed-if anything should occur to mar those upon; but before the completion of the hopes which were regarded at present as aldeed the tenants came voluntarily forward, most certainties, they would soon be heard, and declined to have the option in either and in an unmistakeable voice. case inserted, preferring to take their chance in the ordinary manner as theretofore. He could cite several similar instances to their Lordships; but he did not wish at that late hour to trespass further upon their time. But before he sat down he wished to add a word or two with regard to what had been said of the League, of which he was a member. Many allusions had been made to that body; and it had been asserted that no such excitement existed in the towns upon the question before them, as had been represented by the Cleveland House divided on Question, "That the words proposed to be left out should stand part of the Motion:"-Contents 130; Notcontents 103: Majority 33. List of the Nor-CONTENTS. DUKES. Richmond Montrose Buckingham MARQUESSES. Salisbury EARLS. Huntingdon Cadogan Malmesbury Hastings Willoughby d'Eresby Vaux St. John Walsingham Egmont Shannon Enniskillen Sinclair Clancarty Onslow Nelson Charleville Bayning Lord Farnham House resumed. House adjourned. Lord Talbot of Malahide Lord Rolle HOUSE OF COMMONS, Monday, June 15, 1846. MINUTES.] NEW WRIT. For Carlow County, v. Thomas PUBLIC BILLS.-3 and passed. Ropeworks. THE OBSERVATORY AT GREENWICH. SIR ROBERT INGLIS inquired whether there was any objection on the part of Her Majesty's Government to lay upon the Table the Report of the Scientific Commissioners who had been appointed to take into consideration the question whether the works of the Croydon Railway were likely to interfere injuriously with the operations of the Observatory at Greenwich? SIR ROBERT PEEL replied that there could be no objection to lay on the Table select extracts from the document in question. It unfortunately happened that some excited feeling had been mutually manifested between the scientific men engaged in this inquiry, and he did not see what good end would be obtained by publishing mere matters of wrangling. Everything, however, of a scientific character-everything that was calculated to throw light on the merits of the question at issue, he would have much pleasure in laying before the House. EXPLANATION. MR. ROSS took occasion to allude to a matter connected with the debate on with the Messrs. Cunard. The contract was not yet absolutely signed, but every thing was prepared, and the negotiation was in a state of forwardness. Friday night. He had to complain that the right hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had unintentionally misrepresented what had fallen from him in the course of that debate. The right hon. Baronet, in assuming to quote his words, had put into his mouth what he had never uttered. He had attributed to him this monstrous proposition, the absurdity of which must strike every one, that when a statesman once departed from the paths of the Constitution, the farther he diverged from it the better. He had never said anything of the kind. What he had said was, that when a statesman once found himself called upon to depart from the path of the Constitution, he ought not to falter until the object for sake of which he had left it had been attained. SIR R. PEEL was not conscious of hav-year 1838 the Messrs. Cunard were the ing misrepresented the hon. Member; but if the fact were otherwise, he could only say he regretted it. He remembered having asked the hon. Member whether he was prepared to deny the allegation, that the state of Ireland was such as to require some extraordinary measure such as the Bill under consideration? and when the hon. Member replied that he was prepared to deny the proposition, he asked the hon. Member if he had not expressed some such sentiment as this, that if the adjustment of the landlord and tenant question were not to prove highly beneficial to Ireland in pacifying that country, and if, despite of such a measure, outrages were to be of as frequent recurrence in the winter of 1846 as in 1845 and 1844, he would advocate severe enactments, and would not even think the suspension of the Habeas Corpus too strong a measure? It was certainly his impression that the hon. Member had made a manifesto of opinion to this effect. He also understood the hon. Member to say, that if they were to violate the Constitution, they ought at least to take care that the violation would secure the object they had in view. That was his construction of what had fallen from the hon. Member, and if he had mistaken him he was sorry for it. MR. MILNER GIBSON did not see on what principle the Halifax Company should have the monopoly of the passenger traffic between this country and America. The Great Western Steam Packet Company, who had launched the Great Britain steamboat, had strong claims on the public and Government; and why should they be overlooked? The contract should certainly be open to competition. The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER explained the grounds on which the Government considered the claims of Messrs. Cunard paramount to others. In the COMMUNICATION WITH AMERICA. In reply to a question from MR. P. MILES, per sons who took the contract for establishing steam communication between this country and North America. In that contract, which was to last for ten or twelve years, as well as he could recollect, provision was made for the ultimate establishment (if it should be found necessary) of weekly communications. Up to this time, however, the Government had been content with a fortnightly communication only; but now that it appeared desirable to establish the weekly system, the Government certainly did think that the claim of the Messrs. Cunard was superior to that of any other parties. MR. MILES moved for the production of copies of the contract, and of all papers which had passed on this subject between the Government and Messrs. Cunard. Agreed to. LORD JOHN RUSSELL hoped that, if the papers in question were to be laid on the Table, they would be accompanied by a statement of the manner in which the duties imposed by the contract had heretofore been performed by the Messrs. Cunard. He believed that it would be found that those duties had been performed in a very satisfactory manner. PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL- The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHE-land) Bill. QUER stated that Government having LORD WORSLEY said, that the meathought it necessary that there should be sure was one to which he should feel it more frequent communication than heretofore between this country and North America, were about entering into a contract in order to the attainment of this object Third VOL. LXXXVII. {} his duty to offer his strenuous opposition. He did not think that it was consistent with wisdom, justice, or sound policy to continue to govern Ireland on a system of R coercion, which had already been frequently from the Friends with whom he usually tried, and had as frequently failed. Not acted; but if there was one circumstance only would the Bill now proposed be totally more than another which had prevented his inoperative for good, but it would be posi- abandoning the noble Lord's Government, tively productive of mischief, inasmuch as it was approval of the policy adopted by his it would imperil the rights and liberties of noble Friend towards Ireland; and although innocent men, and make the Irish popula- he had voted with hon. Members opposite tion, who already were by no means too against the repeal of the Corn Laws, he favourably disposed towards that House, could not make common cause with them view its proceedings with deeper aversion in supporting the present measure. He and greater distrust than ever. There gave Her Majesty's Government every were many provisions in this Bill which credit for the measures they had taken were unconstitutional in their principle, with a view to mitigate, and if possible to and could not prove otherwise than highly prevent, the evils complained of connected oppressive in their operation. Amongst with the question of occupation of land; these, one of the most exceptionable was but he told them that no measures introthat which exposed a man, and possibly duced to meet temporary distress would be quite an innocent man, to the loss of liberty of avail in creating good order, contentfor the constructive offence of being found ment, and a better state of things in Ireout of his house after sunset. A police- land. They had not held out the slightest man was, in the first instance, to be the prospect of their adopting a more liberal judge of what constituted "suspicious cir- or a more enlightened policy towards Irecumstances; and the innocent man who land for the future. Steeped in misery was taken into custody by him would be and destitution, a large proportion of the imprisoned all night on the mere suspicion Irish population despaired of getting justice of being suspicious, and he would have no from that House, and identified their hope chance of liberation until next day, when of happiness, comfort, and prosperity with brought before a magistrate. If it hap- the restoration of a domestic legislation. pened that he was taken up on a Saturday This was a state of things greatly to be night, he must remain in custody all Satur- deplored. Confidence in the Government, day night and all Sunday; and it might and a feeling of secure reliance that grievperhaps be a late hour on Monday before a ances would be redressed, and justice fairly magistrate could be procured to investigate administered these were the sentiments his case. The measure was altogether a which ought to be encouraged in the minds Bill of pains and penalties, and totally un- of the Irish people; and until such feelings suited for the present condition of Ireland. were nurtured, it would be vain to hope for The hon. and learned Member the Recorder a better state of things. What reason was of Dublin said it would be ineffectual. It there for supposing that the present Gohad been denounced as ineffectual also by vernment possessed the affections of the the hon. Member for Dundalk, who had been Irish people, or ought to possess influence nominated by the Government as a Mem- in Ireland? None whatever. Efforts were ber of the Devon Commission, and than continually being made to render the Emanwhom there was no man who knew Ireland cipation Act a dead letter, by excluding more intimately, or was a better authority men from place, power, and emolument, on questions which concerned the Irish because of their religion. Were not those people, and influenced their condition. It who now introduced this Bill, and advocated had also been denounced by the hon. Mem-it, the same who resisted municipal reform ber for Drogheda, and was indignantly pro- and the correction of Church abuses, and tested against with one accord by the ma- who proposed a Registration Bill, to cripple jority of the Irish Members. The hon. and curtail rather than enlarge the franMembers connected with Ireland who sup-chise? Were they not the men who disported it were exclusively those who at all missed the magistrates in whom the people times had been in favour of coercion for that confided, merely because they expressed country, and whose policy it had been uni- their opinions on a political question? He formly to resist every just and liberal mea- differed from those magistrates, and resure proposed for the Irish people by every gretted very much they should think that political party, but more especially by that a Repeal of the Union would be of any adparty of which the noble Lord the Member vantage to them; but the Government had for London was the head. It was his mis- not declared the meetings they attended to fortune to differ on the Corn Law question be illegal. They allowed those meetings |