lieu of them. But the right hon. Baronet | sources, and the augmentation of trade, held out strong hopes to Parliament, that might raise the revenue, not up to the by the end of three years those reductions amount anticipated by Sir R. Peel when would so much increase the produce of the he first proposed the income tax; but up customs duties, as to render it unnecessary to the point at which the revenue stood at to renew the income tax. It was solely the present time. Under these circumon this ground that the right hon. Baronet stances, Government must have seen the had obtained a three years' income tax, for position in which they placed themselves he believed that no other Minister who had with regard to the future taxation of the governed this country for many years would country. They had now the income tax have obtained it on any grounds whatso- for three years. Their Lordships would, ever; but the great confidence reposed in however, observe that the financial Ministhe right hon. Baronet as a financial Mi- ter, when he brought forward the budget, nister by Parliament and the country, in- had held out little or no hope of a surplusduced them to waive the strong objection the whole surplus, including China money. which prevailed against an income tax in not being calculated at more than 70,0007. time of peace, and so far to confide in his Had they not then a right to demand that promises that the operation of the reduc- Her Majesty's Ministers should state their tions would be successful, as to concede the expectations with respect to the future reimposition of the tax for that period. The venue of the country? Was it not perright hon. Baronet's promises, they knew, fectly clear, on their own showing, that the had remained unfulfilled; but Parliament customs duties would not rise to the point was induced to extend the period for which at which they had formerly stood? Had the tax had been granted, from a belief not their Lordships a right to know if it that by the reductions in the customs du- was the intention of Government to propose ties the revenue of the country would be to Parliament the renewal of the income so increased as to make the continuance of tax? If it was not their intention, they had a right to know to what sources of revenue Ministers intended to look as a compensation for the taxes they were now abo

He

the tax unnecessary. He believed this would have been the case if things had been allowed to go on as they were then doing, for the revenue was improving, and com-lishing. If it was their intention, they merce in every department was flourishing. were bound to announce it fairly. A new But most unfortunately, in the present Parliament would be elected before the exSession, partly owing to the very increase piration of the present tax; and if Miniswhich had been thus predicted, the right ters intended to propose a renewal of the hon. Gentleman and his Government were tax, it must be to a new Parliament. determined by a sense of duty not to re- asked them, did they believe that a new main content with the alterations they had Parliament would ever sanction that tax as made, but to make those other alterations a permanent tax? If it was not their inwhich their Lordships had been considering tention to propose it, they must have some during the last three weeks. His noble other measure to propose which they ought Friend at the head of the Board of Trade to let the House know. But did they be(the Earl of Dalhousie), by the able man-lieve that any Parliament that would ever ner in which he had conducted these pro- meet in this country would sanction the ceedings-and he gave his noble Friend imposition of the income tax as a permacredit for having done so in a most mas-nent tax? He believed the contrary. He terly manner- had shown himself an able statesman, a great debater, and capable of conducting affairs in any department which might be entrusted to him; but his noble Friend had never ventured to hold out to their Lordships that the result of the measures he proposed would ever raise the revenue beyond the point which it had attain-mercial, or indeed for any country, then it ed previous to the reductions, for he had swept away, in a great measure, the income derived from the duties which they affected. His noble Friend only proposed his reductions in the hope that in the course of years the buoyancy of the public re

believed that no Parliament would ever sanction that direct mode of taxation as a permanency. See to what this would drive them. If they determined to adopt the direct mode of taxation, and to abolish that indirect mode which had hitherto been looked upon as the most proper for a com

became absolutely necessary that the whole or almost the whole of the taxation of the country should be derived from that source. It was impossible that another Parliament, if it sanctioned that measure, would ever allow the malt tax to continue, or that tax

they were considered measures right in themselves, and as far as they went tending to do that which it was desirable to effect-to diminish the cost of production to those whose capital was employed. No doubt Her Majesty's Government felt now as they did then, that what they undertook to propose to Parliament with that object in view, they were bound to adhere to; and although it might be true that those measures had not yet passed in the shape of law, he believed some of them did not positively require an Act of Parliament, except in so far as the sum to be raised from the Consolidated Fund, instead of in any other way, was concerned. There was, however, another measure of very considerable importance, which stood much on the same footing as those to which he had referred — he alluded to the measure relative to the removal of paupers. That measure was, no doubt, quite independent of the question of the Corn Law, and would have been a proper measure to adopt whether the Corn Laws were altered or not. A Bill had been brought into the other House of Parliament for carrying that measure into effect; and he could not answer for the circum. stances which had rendered it impossible to proceed with that Bill so as to bring it into their Lordships' House; and when his noble Friend complained that the mea

which they had been discussing lately, the duty on hops. It was impossible that Government, in considering the measures they had brought forward, should not have fully and distinctly deliberated on these matters. Was it fair or just that they should now conclude these measures without any information whatever being given respecting the points to which he had called their attention? Let him not be told that the financial Ministers in the other House were the proper persons to answer those questions. There was his noble Friend at the head of the Board of Control (the Earl of Ripon), who had been Chancellor of the Exchequer, and without whose full sanction no measure of this kind could be proposed to Parliament. His noble Friend at the head of the Board of Trade was also perfectly capable of giving an answer; and if they declined, on this last stage of the measure, to give an answer, the country would draw its own conclusions from their silence. Let it not be said that because Ministers were going to resign, they would throw the affairs of the country in an embarrassed state into other hands. Let it not be said that, because they had received the affairs of the country in an embarrassed state from their predecessors, they would retaliate by leaving them in a similar condition. Such an excuse would not be received by the country; it would be tamper-sures had not been brought forward in their ing with public feeling to offer it; but he knew that his noble Friends were men of too high honour to be influenced by such considerations. He said that, before the measure passed, Ministers were bound to give their Lordships the information upon these subjects which they must possess; and he called on his noble Friends to give him an answer on the two points he had stated, which he considered of vast importance to the country.

The EARL of RIPON said, that as he had no right to object to the questions which had been put to him by the noble Earl, and as he had no fault to find with the manner in which they had been put, he would endeavour to give them an answer. The first question was, whether Her Majesty's Government intended to carry into effect those measures which were stated at the commencement of the present Session as intended to accompany the alteration which they proposed to make in the Corn Laws, and which were considered likely to be beneficial to the agricultural interest. He was not aware that they were to be considered as equivalents or compensations;

Lordships' House, he must understand that they were of such a nature that their Lordships could not originate them. The noble Earl having asked those questions, proceeded to inquire what it was the intention of Her Majesty's Government to do as to the continuation of the property tax. Now, under all circumstances, he apprehended that no Government could undertake to give answers or pledge themselves to reply to such questions as these. The property tax had been originally brought in for three years; it had been since renewed, and he thought it would be exceedingly unwise to give any pledge that it would not again be renewed. Looking on the question in that light, he must therefore decline answering it. But he would make one or two remarks on the observations of the noble Earl as to the actual condition of the revenue with respect to the effect of the reductions which had been made within the last four years. He thought his noble Friend could hardly have attended to a document which had been laid on the Table, which would have explained to him the ground on which the Government trusted that the reductions

to a Bill like the present, which had been | honour to avow his adherence. Though commenced by a great agitation; which had been carried by a betrayal of great public trusts; and which would be regarded as a concession to that agitation, and a record of that betrayal. In conclusion, he begged leave to enter his decided protest against the third reading of the Bill.

their Lordships had decided against them by a large majority, he hoped he might claim credit for his party for consistency, for independence of conduct, for fairness in their actions, and honesty in their intentions. He had taken the liberty at an early period of the discussion of appealing The DUKE of CLEVELAND said, as to the Episcopal Bench as the representhis was probably the last opportunity that tatives of the parochial clergy. That would present itself to speak on this Bill, appeal was responded to by a right revehe would rise not to create any further rend Prelate, who said the parochial clergy delay, but to protest solemnly against the were not justified in opposing this Bill: policy of the measure. After having first, because they were a small body; and, listened attentively to all the arguments and next, because they had taken no part in evidence urged in favour of the measure, the agitation against it— extraordinary he remained still of the same opinion, and reasons he must take leave to say, and he was still as strong an opposer of the the latter of them not doing much credit Bill as ever he had been. Scarcely had to the right rev. Prelate's charity. If the any measure ever passed the House on Bench of Bishops had voted with his party, which so many of their Lordships had they should have had a majority of those given their opinions vivá voce, and the oc- present against the Bill. The number of casion would, on that account, be memo- proxies was large-thirty-five-and a marable in history; but still more memora-jority were in favour of the Bill. It was ble would it be for the sacrifice of private opinion to party interest. The House was constituted by three distinct parties, two of which had been hitherto the rival parties of the State; but one of these opposed parties having sacrificed their real opinions to party interests and party views, had coalesced, and had overcome any opposition which could be made to them by those who retained their old opinions and acted up to their old principles. How many noble Lords would say the Bill was in conformity with their preconceived opinions? Many noble Lords were advocates of a fixed duty, and, notwithstanding they still maintained this opinion, yet, seeing their party on the threshold of office, they gave up their convictions, and agreed to support the measure as it was. Having referred to the manner in which the question had been treated by one side of the House, he would refer to the way in which noble Lords had dealt with it on the Ministerial side of the House. Many noble Lords, who had changed their votes but had not changed their opinions, had taken the more prudent course of recording a silent vote against their opinions. Other noble Lords had completely changed their opinions; but the main pressure of the debate had fallen on two noble Lords connected with the Government, one of whom had not always been exactly of the same way of thinking on this question. He would now say a few words about a third party in that House, to which he had the

not his intention to deprecate the system
of proxies. It was founded on long and es-
tablished usage. That was the only ground
of its justification; for voting in any so-
ciety by proxies was not in accordance
with public taste at present. If they
meant to preserve this privilege, they
should take care not to abuse it.
It was
true that noble Lords resident in this
country might be as capable of forming a
judgment on a public measure if they re-
sided 200 miles from town, as if they
attended in that House; but that the
proxies of Lords in different parts of Eu-
rope, who never heard of this measure,
or never imagined that such a measure
would be brought forward, should be re-
sorted to, he thought a most extraor-
dinary proceeding. He should give one
instance. There was the Marquess of
Tweeddale, Governor of Madras, who had
been absent for four years from this coun-
try, and who was so engaged by the late
war in India, that he doubted whether he
ever heard of this measure. The lament-
able part of this measure was, the loss of
confidence which it inspired in the humble
followers of leading men like himself. His
political life had not been a short one.
For half of it he attached himself to the
Whig party; but in 1833, he found him-
self unable, on the Reform Bill, to go as
far as the Government was inclined to go.
Far be it from him to say there was any
breach of faith on that occasion by the
Whigs. From that time to the present he

to a Bill like the present, which had been | honour to avow his adherence. Though commenced by a great agitation; which had been carried by a betrayal of great public trusts; and which would be regarded as a concession to that agitation, and a record of that betrayal. In conclusion, he begged leave to enter his decided protest against the third reading of the Bill.