EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS. FIRST SESSION:

COMPRISING THE PERIOD FROM DECEMBER 1, 1823, TO MAY 27, 1824,
INCLUSIVE.

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COMPILED FROM AUTHENTIC MATERIALS.

WASHINGTON:

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY GALES AND SEATON.

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1856.

Mr. McLANE, of Delaware, differed from the gentleman from Massachusetts, not as to his facts, nor as to the inferences he drew from them; but as to the policy of permitting those inferences to induce us to abolish this duty. The question is not whether the State of New York will be benefited in her manufactures and her canal, by the flouring and transit of the Canada wheat, because her own grain can as well be floured and carried as that of Canada. The quantity of wheat grown in our country must always be regulated by the demand in the foreign market. If, then, by facilitating the transit, you bring Canada wheat into that foreign market, just so far you discourage and diminish the growth of American grain. The argument of the gentleman goes only to the benefit of the miller and the canal; but the provision in the bill covers not only the miller and the canal, (by giving to both our own wheat instead of foreign,) but it covers the wheat grower also, by excluding competition. The only difference is, that, in the one case, the Government gets the revenue. But is it sound policy to build our revenue on the growth of a rival and neighboring State?-on the encouragement of foreign, in the place of domestic, agriculture? Did any wise government ever pursue such a policy?

Here Mr. P. P. BARBOUR rose and apologized for again occupying the Committee, contrary to his usual habit of never rising twice to speak to the same general subject on the same day. But he felt himself constrained to make some reply to a remark that had fallen from the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He said something about my claiming for Virginia an exclusive dominion over the growing of wheat. I never advanced any such claim. I said that wheat was a great staple in that part of the State from which I came; and I said no more. But the gentleman farther said, if I rightly heard and understood him, that if Virginia ever looked beyond her own confines for any thing but political power, she might have seen that her neighbors were interested in this duty.

[Mr. INGHAM observed that he had not used the word "ever," but had said, "if Virginia could look beyond her own boundaries for any thing but political power, she would have seen," &c. Such was the expression, and the gentleman might make the most of it.]

H. OF R.

these United States were not indebted to Virginia for many and signal benefits? It was Virginia that laid the very foundation of the Federal Government; and, ever since its formation, that share of political power, which her sister States have granted to her, has been exercised for the benefit and prosperity of the whole Confederacy. Of this, there has been the most distinct and universal acknowledgment. Look, said Mr. B., at her moneyed sacrifices to the interest of this Government. Virginia led the way in the voluntary surrender of her immense territory-a territory which has since furnished to this Confederacy three entire States, that are now rising monthly, weekly, ay, hourly, in dignity, in importance, and power. He did think the gentleman from Pennsylvania might have spared the reflection. We live in a country where all are free. The way to power is alike open to all. It cannot be obtained or held but by the voluntary assent of a majority of citizens. If Virginia gave to the Confederacy great men in the field and in the cabinet, was this to be made a reproach? If her citizens had attained to an exalted station, who placed them there? and was it not acknowledged that they had filled that station with an honest and a successful endeavor to promote the public good? and if she had poured millions into the Treasury of the General Government, from the sale of lands that once were hers, should this be imputed to her as a fault? If such things as these were grounds of reproach, then, was Virginia indeed to blame.

Mr. INGHAM rose in reply. He said, that the passing remark he had made, was one which grew out of the gentleman's own course of debate. When the gentleman said, that Virginia had no interest in, or wish for, the protecting duty proposed in the bill, he seemed to think he had stated a sufficient reason why it should be stricken out at once. But, in such circumstances, Mr. I said, he could not but advert to another bill that had lately been before this House, the bill for internal improvements, against which Virginia had set herself in array, with all the immense powers of her line. He was not now inclined to controvert the statement the gentleman had made as to the lofty claims and merits of Virginia. He did not think it properly belonged to the present debate, though, if that subject came fairly up for discussion, he Mr. BARBOUR resumed. I should hesitate here believed it would be found there were two sides to to be the eulogist of Virginia; but, as a Virginian, that question. In stating the political course of born and nurtured within the bounds of that State, Virginia, in establishing the interests of this ConI should be lacking in a duty, which is even prior federacy, the gentleman might have remembered to the duty I owe to the House, did I not vindicate that, in the whole of that course, she was essentially her character from such an aspersion as that cast aided by her old friend, Pennsylvania; but now upon it by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. she had increased in power and importance, till What is there in the conduct of Virginia to merit she seemed to think she might set up for herself, such a reflection? If she has enjoyed, at any throw off her old friend and coadjutor, and say to time, in this confederacy, more power than has Pennsylvania, "We don't want you." Pennsylbeen enjoyed by other States, whence was that vania, the moment she could be relieved from that power derived? Whence did she obtain it? From struggle in which she had so essentially supported the free consent of the people of this Union, as ex- Virginia for the general good, turned her anxiepressed on this floor, and elsewhere; in part, from ties to her individual interests, and, as a darling the consent of Pennsylvania herself. Did she object, took up the plan of internal improvements, possess more power than was justly due to her? of the domestic policy of the country. But no He would appeal to all who heard him, whether sooner did she appear with it on this floor, than 18th Cox. 1st SESS.-54