which hall convince France and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial fenfe of fear, fitted to be the miferable inftruments of foreign influence, and regardlefs of national honour, character, and interest. II. The diplomatic intercourfe between France and the United States being at prefent fufpended, the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country; neverthe lefs, there is reafon to believe that the Executive Directory paffed a decree, on the 2d of March laft, contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you. III. While we are endeavouring to adjust our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progrefs of the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the perfonal injuries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, render it my indifpenfable duty to recommend to your confideration effectual meafures of defence. IV. It is impoffible to conceal from ourselves, or the world, what has been before obferved, that endeavours have been employed to fofter and establish a divifion between the government and the people of the United States. To inveftigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not neceffary; but to re pel, by decided and united councils, infinuations fo derogatory to the honour and aggreffions fo dangerous to the conftitution, union, and even independence of the nation, is an indifpenfable duty. No. II. Dear Sir, Paris, Nov. 8, 1797. WE now enclofe you, in thirty-fix quarto pages of cipher, and in eight pages of ciphered exhibits, the fequel to the details commenced in No. I. dated the 22d of last month; and have the honour to be Your moft obedient humble fervants, Colonel Pickering. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. E. GERRY. October 27, 1797.-About twelve we received another visit from M. X. He immediately mentioned the great event announced in the papers, and then faid, that fome proposals from us had been expected on the fubject on which we had before converfed; that the Directory were becoming impatient, and world take a decided courfe with regard to America, if we could not foften foften them. We answered, that on that fubject we had already spoken explicitly, and had nothing farther to add. He men tioned the change in the ftate of things which had been produced by the peace with the Emperor, as warranting an expectation of a change in our fyftem; to which we only replied, that this event had been expected by us, and would not in any degree affect our conduct. M. X. urged, that the Directory had, fince this peace, taken a higher and more decided tone with refpect to us, and all other neutral nations, than had been before taken; that it had been determined, that all nations fhould aid them, or be confi⚫dered and treated as their enemies. We anfwered, that fuch an effect had already been contemplated by us as probable, and had not been overlooked, when we gave to this propofition our decided answer; and further, that we had no powers to negotiate for a loan of money; that our government had not contemplated fuch a circumftance in any degree whatever; that if we thould ftipulate a loan, it should be a perfectly void thing, and would only deceive France, and expofe ourselves. M. X. again expatiated on the power and violence of France: he urged the danger of our fituation, and preffed the policy of foftening them, and of thereby obtaining time. The prefent men, he faid, would very probably not continue long in power; and it would be very unfortunate, if those who might fucceed, with better difpofitions towards us, fhould find the two nations in actual war. We answered, that if war fhould be made on us by France, it would be fo obvioufly forced on us, that, on a change of men, peace might be made with as much facility as the prefent differences could be accom-' modated: we added, that all America deprecated a war with France; but that our prefent fituation was more ruinous to us than a declared war would be; that at prefent our commerce was plundered unprotected; but that if war was declared, we fhouldfeek the means of protection. M. X. faid, he hoped we should not form a connexion with Britain; and we anfwered, that we hoped fo too; that we had all been engaged in our revolution war, and felt its injuries; that it had made the deepeft impreffion on us; but that if France fhould attack us, we must seek the best means of self-defence. M. X. again returned to the fubject of money: faid he, Gentlemen, you do not fpeak to the point-it is money; it is expected that you will offer money. We faid, we had spoken to that point very explicitly; we had given an anfwer. No, faid he, you have not; what is your anfwer? We replied, It is, No; no; not a fixpence. He again called our' attention to the dangers which threatened our country, and asked, if it would not be prudent, though we might not make a loan to the nation, to intereft an influential friend in our favour? He faid, we ought to confider what men we had to treat with; that they difregarded the juftice of our claims, and the reafoning Cc 2 with with which we might fupport them; that they disregarded their own colonies; and confidered themselves as perfectly invulnerable with respect to us; that we could only acquire an interest among them by a judicious application of money; and it was for us to confider, whether the fituation of our country did not require that these means should be reforted to. We obferved, that the conduct of the French government was such as to leave us much reason to fear, that, fhould we give the money, it would effect no good purpose, and would not produce a juft mode of thinking with refpect to us. He faid, that when we employed a lawyer we gave him a fee, without knowing whether the cause could be gained or not; but it was neceffary to have one, and we paid for his fervices, whether those services were fuccefsful or not: fo in the prefent ftate of things, the money must be advanced for the good offices the individuals were to render, whatever might be the effect of thofe good offices. We told him there was no parallel in the cafes; that a lawyer, not being to render the adjudgment, could not command fuccefs: he could only endeavour to obtain it; and confequently, we could only pay him for his endeavours: but the Directory could decide on the iffue of our negotiation. It had only to order that no more American veffels should be seized, and to direct those now in cuftody to be restored, and there could be no oppofition to the order. He faid, that all the members of the Directory were not difpofed to receive our money: that Merlin, for inftance, was paid from another quarter, and would touch no part of the douceur which was to come from us. We replied, that we understood that Merlin was paid by the owners of the privateers; and he nodded an affent to the fact. He proceeded to press this fubject with vast perseverance. He told us that we paid money to obtain peace with the Algerines and with the Indians; and that it was doing no more to pay France for peace. To this it was answered, that when our government commenced a treaty with either Algiers or the Indian tribes, it was understood that money was to form the bafis of the treaty, and was its effential article; that the whole nation knew it, and was prepared to expect it as a thing of courfe; but that, in treating with France, our government had fuppofed that the propofition, fuch as he spoke of, would, if made by us, give mortal offence. He afked, if our government did not know that nothing was to be obtained here without money? We replied, that our government had not even suspected such a state of things.-He appeared fur prifed at it, and faid, there was not an American in Paris who could not have given that information. We told him that the letters of our minifter had indicated a very contrary temper in the government of France; and had represented it as acting entirely upon principle, and as feeling a very pure and difinterested af fection for America. He looked fomewhat furprised, and faid briskly briskly to General Pinckney, Well, Sir, you have been a long time in France and in Holland-what do you think of it? General Pinckney answered, that he confidered M. X. and M. Y. as men of truth, and, of confequence, he could but have one opinion on the fubject. He stated that Hamburgh and other states of Europe were obliged to buy a peace; and that it would be equally for our intereft to do so. Once more he spoke on the danger of a breach with France, and of her power, which nothing could refift. We told him, that it would be in vain for us to deny her power, or the folicitude we felt to avoid a contest with it; that no nation eftimated her power more highly than America, or wished more to be on amicable terms with her; but that one object was still dearer to us than the friendship of France--which was our national independence: that America had taken a neutral station; she had a right to take it; no nation had a right to force us out of it; that to lend a fum of money to a belligerent power, abounding in every thing requifite for war but money, was to relinquish our neutrality, and take part in the war; to lend this money under the lash and coercion of France, was to relinquish the government of ourfelves, and to submit to a foreign government impofed upon us by force; that we would make at least one manly struggle before we thus furrendered our national independence; that our cafe was different from that of one of the minor nations of Europe; they were unable to maintain their independence, and did not expect to do fo: America was a great, and, fo far as concerned her felfdefence, a powerful nation; fhe was able to maintain her independence; and must deserve to lofe it, if the permitted it to be wrefted from her; that France and Britain had been at war for near fifty years of the laft hundred, and might probably be at war for fifty years of the century to come; that America hadno motives which could induce her to involve herself in those wars; and that, if she now preserved her neutrality and her independence, it was most probable that she would not in future be afraid, as she had been for four years paft; but if the now furrendered her rights of self-government to France, or permitted them to be torn from her, the could not expect to recover them, or to remain neutral in any future war. He faid that France had lent us money during our revolution war, and only required that we should now exhibit the fame friendship for her. We answered, that the cases were very different: that America folicited a loan from France, and left her at liberty to grant or refufe it; but that France demanded. it from America, and left us no choice on the fubject. We also told him there was another difference in the cafes; that the money was lent by France for great national and French objects; it was lent to maim a rival, and an enemy whom the hated; that the money, if lent by America, would not be for any American objects, but to enable France to extend ftill further her conquefts. The converfation continued for nearly two hours; and the public and private advance of money was preffed and repreffed in a variety of forms. At length M. X. faid that he did not blame us; that our determination was certainly proper, if we could keep it ; but he showed decidedly his opinion to be, that we could not keep it. He faid that he would communicate, as nearly as he could, our converfation to the minifter, or to M. Y. to be given by him to the minifter; we are not certain which. We then feparated. On the 22d of October, M. Z. a French gentleman of refpectable character, informed Mr. Gerry, that M. Talleyrand, minifter of foreign relations, who profelfed to be well difpofed towards the United States, had expected to have feen the American minifters frequently in their private capacities; and to have conferred with them individually on the objects of their million; and had authorized M. Z. to make this communication to Mr. Gerry. The latter fent for his colleagues, and a conference was held with M. Z. on the fubject, in which General Pinckney and General Marthall expreffed their opinions, that, not being acquainted with M. Talleyrand, they could not with propriety call on him; but that, according to the cuftom of France, he might expect this of Mr. Gerry, from a previous acquaintance in America. This Mr. Gerry reluctantly complied with on the 23d, and with M.Z. called on M.Talleyrand, who, not being then at his office, appointed the 28th for the interview. After the first introduction, M. Talleyrand began the conference. He faid, that the Directory had paffed an arrête, which he offered for perufal, in which they had demanded of the envoys an explanation of some parts, and a reparation for others, of the President's fpeech to Congrefs of the 16th of May laft: he was fenfible, he faid, that difficulties would exift on the part of the envoys, relative to the demand; but that by their offering money he thought he could prevent the effect of the arrête. M. Z. at the requeft of Mr. Gerry, having stated that the envoys have no fuch powers, M. Talleyrand replied, they can in fuch cafe take a power on themfelves, and proposed that they fhould make a loan. Mr. Gerry then addreffed M. Talleyrand distinctly in English, which he faid he understood, and stated, that the uneafinefs of the Directory, refulting from the Prefident's fpecch, was a fubject unconnected with the objects of the miffion; that M. Barras, in his fpeech to Mr. Monroe, on his recall, had expreffed himfelf in a manner difpleafing to the government and citizens of the United States; that the Prefident, as the envoys conceived, had made fuch obfervations on M. Barras's fpeech as were necellary to vindicate the honour of the United States; that this was not confidered by our government as a subject of difpute between the two nations; that having no inftructions refpecting it, we could not make any explanations or reparations relating to it; and that M. Talleyrand himfelf was fufficiently acquainted |