the Constitution. I say, my Lords, there is no need for it; our Constitution reforms itself."1 Joseph Gerrald was indicted 3d March 1794 "for that he did wickedly and feloniously make harangues and speeches " at the Convention. His trial was productive of a statement from the Solicitor-General which is worth recording, as showing the preposterous views held on freedom of speech by some of the higher officials of the Government at this time. "From our birth," said this illustrious official lawyer, "we owe allegiance to the Constitution established at the Revolution. We are not to venture to say that another Constitution would do better in its place. I say, by law we owe allegiance to it from our birth, and that no body of men have a liberty to say we will indulge in speculation, and there is no harm in speculation. I say, that subjects of Great Britain, born under allegiance to the Constitution, have no such liberty." " Gerrald too was sentenced to fourteen years' transportation. It has been necessary to dwell somewhat minutely on these Scotch trials, as they were the first cases in which the action of the Platform was the principal ground of indictment, for public speeches in a Convention of this sort, open to the public, come clearly within the meaning of "the Platform." But it has also been necessary to refer to them because, as will be hereafter pointed out, they were to exercise a very powerful influence on the popular mind in Scotland. The Government and the "loyal associations," of "wordcatching, libel-catching men," and that morbidly sensitive portion of the community which is unable to keep its head when any political excitement is in the air, succeeded in working the whole country into a state of feeling of the highest tension. "Such is the state of the public mind," wrote Jeffrey in March 1793, "that I get the name of a violent man for regretting the effusion of blood, and for wishing for universal concord; nor had it improved by the next year. The able compiler of The History of the Two Acts also thus sums up the intolerance of the Government and its supporters.5 "To object to their will is to be disloyal; to vote, speak, or 1 State Trials, vol. xxiii. p. 775. 2 Ibid. p. 815. 3 Ibid. p. 937. p. 12. write against their measures is unconstitutional; and to meet for the purpose of promoting a reform of Parliament is first factious, then seditious, then treasonable; first punished with fine, imprisonment, and banishment, and then threatened with death. I do not say that all these are the positive acts of Ministers, but they are the declared sentiments of their supporters. And when no distinction is made between that regular and constitutional opposition to Ministerial measures which, in all ages, has afforded protection to our liberties, and the more outrageous acts of individuals, or the unreasonable complaints and proceedings of obscure societies, are we to wonder if a force becomes embodied against Government which carries a formidable appearance?" Nothing daunted by the treatment which the participators in the Convention at Edinburgh had received, the two principal London Societies continued their agitation, and towards the end of March delegates from them met and agreed on the desirability of holding a Convention "for the purpose of taking into consideration the proper methods of obtaining a full and fair representation of the people," and circular letters were sent to different parts of the kingdom on the subject of assembling a Convention of the whole island.1 But they did not stop here. The open-air meeting of the London Corresponding Society in October 1793 having been so successful, and the Platform having proved itself so efficient and powerful an instrument for furthering their cause, another great open-air meeting was announced and held at Chalk Farm on 14th April 1794 "on the Hampstead Road, at the bottom of Primrose Hill, about three miles out of town." Place gives an account of it far fuller and more graphic than the meagre particulars of it which can be gathered from the reports in the State Trials.2 John Lovett, a hairdresser, was Chairman or President. "The President stood on the stair of the Assembly room facing the bowling-green, where the Society were assembled," and from that elevated situation John Richter read some letters; some resolutions were read and agreed to, also several 1 First Report of House of Commons Committee of Secrecy, Parliamentary History, vol. xxxi. p. 488. 2 Place, MSS., 27,814, British Museum, p. 76. addresses. "After the business of the meeting was concluded, which lasted upwards of five hours, the immense multitude which was called together (independent of the Society) of all descriptions of persons-men and women, hundreds from mere curiosity, the day being very fine,-in less than a quarter of an hour that large body left Chalk Farm in the greatest order I ever witnessed; they seemed all highly satisfied, although they received many insults and provocations from the Bow Street runners and different police officers and Government spies and reporters; yea, from some magistrates. ... Little did they think what sort of men they were contending with; they were thinking and reasoning men, that did not meet together to call out 'Church and King for ever,' without examining whether Church and King deserved to be held in everlasting remembrance "-true type of the thinking man. Just about this same time the Platform was called into requisition in several places in the provinces, and open-air meetings were held at Leeds, Wakefield, Bradford, Halifax, and Sheffield. It is evident that these civic industrial people were begining to find the usefulness of the Platform. This Sheffield meeting, which was held on the 7th April 1794, deserves special notice-first because we have a very full description of the proceedings at it which are in themselves interesting, and next because one of the speakers, a Mr. Henry Yorke was afterwards indicted on account of his speech at it.1 There existed in Sheffield at the time a Society called "The Friends of Justice, Liberty, and Humanity." An advertisement was issued calling a public meeting in the open air, "to consider the propriety of addressing the King in behalf of the persecuted patriots, citizens Muir, Palmer, Skirving, Margarot, and Gerrald, also of again petitioning for a reform in the representation of the people." The advertisement produced a meeting of some 4000 to 5000 persons. "When it was known that Mr. Yorke was without the ground, a great move was directly made from all quarters. Mr. Yorke, Mr. Yorke, in the chair,' and the crowd made an opening for him, and he was pressed forward. 1 See State Trials, vol. xxv. p. 1003. "He was placed upon an eminence, a form made for the purpose; at Sheffield we call it a tribune." Yorke was a member of the London Corresponding Society, and had been working in the northern parts of the country in furtherance of the objects of the Society. One witness subsequently declared, though his statement was contradicted, that Yorke had said that he was about twenty-two years of age, and that he had been concerned in three revolutions already; though late, he had assisted the revolution in America, "essentially contributed to that in Holland, 'materially assisted' that in France, and that he was one who will still continue to cause revolutions all over the world." Such was the type of man into whose hands had come the earliest lessons in the political education of the people. Placed upon the "tribune" he delivered a speech. "Fellow-citizens. The day is at length arrived when fanaticism and superstition, deprived of their tinsel trappings, and exposed in their native ugliness to the view of mankind, slink scowling back to the cave of obscurity; there I hope they will for ever remain. The energy of Englishmen will no longer endure this strange uproar of injustice. I trust my countrymen are sick of religious and political imposture, and that their decisive and manly conduct will command, in an imperious tone, which will take no denial, not a melioration of these enormous abuses, which would be to compromise with injustice, but, I trust, they will demand the annihilation of corruptions and abuses, and a restitution of the original rights of human nature. The Governments of Europe present no delectable symmetry to the contemplation of the philosopher, no enjoyment to the satisfaction of the citizen. A vast deformed and cheerless structure, the frightful abortion of haste and usurpation, presents to the eye of the beholder no systematic arrangement, no harmonious organisation of society. Chance, haste, faction, tyranny, rebellion, massacre, and the hot inclement action of human passions have begotten them. Utility never has been the end of their institution, but partial interest has been its fruit. Such abominable and such absurd forms, such jarring and dissonant principles, which chance has scattered over the earth, cry aloud for something more natural, 1 State Trials, vol. xxv. p. 1006. more pure, and more calculated to promote the happiness of mankind. It must be granted that this experience is important, because it teaches the suffering nations of the present day in what manner to prepare their combustible ingredients, and humanists in what manner to enkindle them, so as to produce with effect that grand political explosion which, at the same time that it buries despotism, already convulsive and agonising, in ruins, may raise up the people to the dignity and sublime grandeur of freedom. . . . Go on as you hitherto have done in the culture of reason. Disseminate throughout the whole of your country that knowledge which is so necessary to man's happiness, and which you have yourselves acquired. "Teach your children, and your countrymen, the sacred lessons of virtue, which are the foundation of all human polity. Teach them to respect themselves, and to love their country. Teach them to do unto all men as they would that they should do unto them, and their love shall not be confined to their country, but shall extend to the whole human race. "When such a revolution of sentiment shall have dispersed the mists of prejudice, when, by the incessant thunderings from the Press, the meanest cottager of our country shall be enlightened, and the sun of reason shall shine in its fullest meridian over us, then the commanding voice of the whole people shall recommend the 558 gentlemen in St. Stephen's Chapel to go about their business." A resolution was passed that, "Convinced of this truth, it is the opinion of this meeting that the people ought to demand as a right, and not petition as a favour, for universal representation. That, therefore, we will petition the House of Commons no more on the subject." 1 One little touch of nature vivifies the whole occurrence. "There were constables there," and one of these constables, who afterwards gave evidence, said, "The people made a great noise about me, and would not suffer me to hear; several that were round me. 9 2 Yorke subsequently published a copy of his speech which rendered a prosecution against him possible; but as that did 1 Second Report of Secret Committee of House of Commons.-Parliamentary History, vol. xxxi. p. 736. 2 State Trials, vol. xxv. p. 1059. |