CHAPTER I

THE BIRTH OF THE PLATFORM

AMONG the political institutions of this kingdom, there is in this, the last decade of the nineteenth century, none of greater importance than "the Platform."

A century and a half ago-and, in the history of a nation, that is not a very long period-three, and only three, great political institutions were in existence in this country, dividing between them the government of the kingdom-Crown, Lords, and Commons, venerable from their antiquity, their birth lost almost in the uncertain records of the past.

In process of time there arose a fourth-the Press-for long not attaining to the position of being a component part of the constitution, but exercising, as time went on, ever-increasing influence, and, indirectly, ever-growing authority.

And still later, almost in fact within the memory of living men, there has arisen one more-the Platform.

Not so very long since, the word, in its present sense, was unknown; a little farther back, the thing itself did not exist. Now, the Platform is the feature of our political constitution which distinguishes us alike from all the forms of government that the wit of man has contrived in the past, or that the civilised states of Europe have attained to in the present. It has taken its place among the most vital, active, and powerful of the governing forces of the constitution. Its powers for good and for evil are portentous, and its sway over government is practically unlimited. An investigation therefore as to the origin, growth, and present position of so great a force in the State presents the most enthralling subject for the consideration not alone of all persons having at heart the welfare of this great country, but also of those who take an interest in the wider subject-the science of government.

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No exact year can be assigned as the precise date of birth of the Platform. Like the seedling of a mighty tree, it gradually developed into life. Instances are to be found here and there, even very far back in our history, of meetings held by the people, and of speeches being delivered; but they are isolated instances, and their repetition was sternly discouraged by those whose hands wielded the sword of authority. For many centuries, indeed, circumstances were scarcely favourable to popular interference in the affairs of government, or even to the expression of such popular feeling as existed; nor were the authorities of the State tolerant of anything that seemed even remotely to encroach on their prerogatives.

Down to the end of the seventeenth century the idea of any real political influence being obtained or exercised by means of the Platform, does not appear to have been thought of by any one. The Revolution of 1688 was effected without its instrumentality, or the slightest recourse to its aid, and during the reigns of William and Mary, and of Anne, public political meetings, or public speeches, were practically unheard of.

In the earlier half of the eighteenth century, however, an event occurred, which, though not actually originating the political Platform, had a most powerful influence in its direction. This was the great religious revival led by Wesley and Whitefield. This great movement, with its impressive meetings, and its thrilling addresses, awoke in the people what can only be described as a new sense. It was then, for the first time in our history, that great orators came into direct contact with large masses of the people, and stirred some of the intensest and most passionate feelings of human nature to their very depths. Then, too, for the first time, that the people felt the deep charm, the fascination of the spoken word, and learned the mighty power of earnest speech. Then, too, for the first time, that great masses came together, and, in coming together, had revealed to them the community of interest which bound them to their fellow-countrymen. Perhaps, too, as wave after wave of emotion swept over the assembled thousands, some may have discerned, dimly and indistinctly, the enormous latent power of the people. These were experiences never to be forgotten-confined then to the sphere of religious teaching and enthusiasm, but affording a suggestion

CHAP. I

THE RELIGIOUS REVIVAL

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if not an example, and a precedent for similar action in the sphere of politics. The close analogy of many of the proceedings in this great movement to those which have since been familiarised to us in great political agitations, proves, very conclusively, that it was one of the most powerful influences towards the creation and development of the political platform. We have, first of all, examples not alone of the people assembling together, but of huge open-air meetings. Whitefield began preaching at open-air meetings in 1739. One afternoon in the February of that year "he stood upon a mount in a place called Rose Green," near Bristol, "his first field pulpit, and preached to as many as came to hear, attracted by the novelty of such an address." His second audience, at Kingswood, consisted of some 2000 persons, his third of 5000, until, at last, as many as 20,000 persons, it was said, were gathered together to hear him. After preaching for some time near Bristol he proceeded to London, and preached at Moorfields. Persons told him he would never come away from the place alive, but "they knew not the power of impassioned eloquence upon a topic in which every hearer was vitally concerned." Then he preached at Kennington Common to enormous gatherings of some 30-40,000 persons. Here, indeed, was a new and most startling event in the life of the nation, the masses assembling together, in a way utterly inconceivable before, and portentous now in this, that it taught them the first great rudimentary lesson in popular government-that they could assemble. Here, too, was a totally new means of instructing, and enlightening, and influencing the people-capable of extension in many directions, and disclosing vast possibilities. And these great lessons were not confined to Bristol and London, for Whitefield and Wesley, and soon after, their disciples and followers, preached through the length and breadth of the land to great gatherings of the people. Wesley describes how, at Gwenap, he "stood on a wall in the calm still evening, with the setting sun behind him, and almost an innumerable multitude before, behind, and on either hand;" how, at Exeter, he preached in the moat of the old castle.

"It was an awful sight! So vast a congregation in that solemn amphitheatre, and all silent and still." Whitefield

1 See Life of Wesley, by Robert Southey, vol. i. p. 230.

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