periment, however, Sir, might be made, | gations, and explicit compacts, enforced, of endeavouring to detach the United States from France, by an acknowledgment of their independence, and a league of more than amity and commerce, a treaty offensive and defensive with the mother country. The same religion, language, laws, love of liberty, the same common stock and progenitors, the genus Latinum, Albanique patres, a reciprocity of the important interests of commerce, all these might consolidate the base of a firmer, more compact alliance than ever yet was formed between two empires. But alas! perhaps these are only pleasing visions, mere phantoms of the imagination, unsubstantial mockeries; and the reality will be an obstinate and bloody war, to be concluded possibly, even in this reign, in a farther dismemberment of the British monarchy. I heartily wish, Sir, a war with France could be avoided. I know we are unprepared, and that the people have no confidence in government. They have even a horror of ministers, who have lost more than half our empire. The provocation of the day cannot justify a war. The treaty is only of amity and commerce with America, not of hostility against Great Britain, or any power. England, in my opinion, ought to have done what France has done. But has she, Sir, acted against us in a manner to justify hostilities on our part? Is the principle, or the policy, of our conduct quite, ascertained to be just, wise, or expedient? An ignorant and incapable set of ministers, have brought us into so disgraceful a situation, that we can neither proceed with safety, nor retreat with honour. In such contempt is this nation now held, that even Portugal, which was lately almost a province of this kingdom, looks down upon us with insolence.

as it was supposed, by the most sacred sanction of oaths, were found insufficient to secure the liberties of that brave people from the invasion of the military, at the instigation, and by the command of a monarch, to whom every species of fraud and deceit seems familiar. No sovereign, in any age or country, ever made stronger and less equivocal promises to his people, cemented by all the holy ties of religion. The speeches from the throne always held out a profound veneration for the laws, an inviolable attachment to the established constitution. The pious hypocrite not only expressed his own abhorrence of arbitrary power, but declared that he would consider those as the worst enemies of his person and government, as the vilest traitors to their country, who should in any way, and under any pretence, seek to add to his power, or to introduce an unlimited authority in his person. He even pretended to think it his greatest glory to be the first citizen of a free country; and he asserted, that to govern it free and independent was his highest ambition. He repeatedly, with great parade, reminded the Swedish nation of the oaths he had taken to them, and the excellence of the constitution, to which he was so religiously attached, while at the same time he was meditating the means of enslaving his people. By the assistance of the army he has acquired the most absolute and despotic power. According to the new form of government, the states of Sweden cannot assemble but by the royal permission. The king is to chuse the senate. They have no right to deliberate upon any thing but what the king pleases to lay before them. If the contributions are not granted within three months, the old Sir, the spirit of liberty is a spirit of are to remain. In cases of necessity the jealousy. It ought to be more so thanking may impose taxes, till the states are ever at the present æra, which seems peculiarly fatal to the cause of public freedom in Europe, while it is victorious in the western world. Every man, who wishes well to the free English government, must be alarmed for its safety, when he reflects on the fate of the neighbouring nations, of the most considerable states. A late event ought always to be in the perspective of the true lovers of public liberty. The kingdom of Sweden, by its constitution one of the freest monarchies in the world, has recently fallen under the galling yoke of despotism by the treachery and perjury of its king. The most solemn legal obli

assembled. There would have been no necessity for this, if a slavish party among his own subjects had been willing and able, by any private aids, loans, benevolences, or subscriptions, to put it in his power to support a military establishment, and to raise new levies at his pleasure. He, as well as the sovereign of England, has the sole disposition of the army, navy, and all employments civil and military. The perjured sovereign of Sweden, by the assistance of only a small part of the military, has enslaved his people, and made himself the absolute tyrant of a limited monarchy, in which he was born and

educated," and whose constitution he | pended upon a timely and constitutional

was sworn to preserve.

I know, Sir, that in the important motion which I have the honour of submitting to the House, I stand on the firm constitutional ground of English liberty, and the rights of parliament. I therefore particularly claim and call for the support and assistance of those, whom I love and venerate, the real Whigs, and friends of this excellent constitution. They are naturally jealous of every infringement on the peculiar privileges of this House, as the representatives of all the Commons. The fundamental rights of Englishmen have always been their peculiar care. Any accession of power to the dangerous influence of the crown, without the sanction of parliament, they must reprobate. In this case our very existence, as a legislative body, is brought into jeopardy. From every principle of duty to the free system of government under which we live, and even of self-preservation, this motion ought to be supported; and in consequence I hope for unanimity, when I supplicate the House, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill more effectually to prevent the dangerous and unconstitutional practice of giving, or granting, money to the crown, as a private Aid, Loan, Benevolence, or Subscription, for public purposes, without the consent of parliament."

Sir Thomas Egerton thanked the hon. gentleman, for taking notice of his letter; said, the people of Manchester were as loyal subjects as any the King had; and what induced them to subscribe, or propose to raise a regiment, was to assist his Majesty in asserting the just rights of the constitution. It was true, some of the people of Manchester were in rebellion in 1745; but he thought it extremely unge. nerous to rake up the ashes and faults of the dead, as a ground of throwing the most unjust calumnies on the living. He said, the number engaged in the unhappy affair alluded to, were comparatively few that lived near the town; and could affirm, from his own knowledge, that as there were no people more personally attached to the King, so there were none who were more eager to support the rights of the constitution.

Mr. Burke said, that British liberty would be but a mere shadow, if the king on the throne could legally or constitutionally raise troops without the consent of parliament. There were cases of emergency, when the safety of the state de[VOL. XIX.]

exercise of the prerogative; such as in the case of an invasion, dearth, &c. but pending the sitting of parliament, he held any attempt to raise troops, without a consent direct or implied, no better than a royal usurpation of parliamentary rights. He said, a supineness, a political stupor, had seized parliament, and that we now seemed to be just ripe for ruin.

Lord Nugent said, the vote of credit was a full, legal, and constitutional authority for the measure. The House divided:

Debate on Sir W. Meredith's Motion for the Repeal of the American Declaratory Act.] April 6. Sir William Meredith rose, and stated the grounds of his promised motion. He descanted on the several obnoxious Acts passed since the year 1763, pointing out their destructive tendency one by one. He said, every step towards a reconciliation with our colonies would prove fruitless, without a full, open, and unequivocal repeal. It was his sincere opinion, that America would never accept of our friendship, unless it was founded upon a basis of interest, equally broad and comprehensive with what they were likely to draw from their present connection with France. If we made offers of a similar nature with France, most certainly America would give Great Britain the preference. They were our brethren, descended from the same stock, speaking the same language, professing nearly the same religion, and formed to the same studies, habits, and pursuits. We had every chance to succeed and to rival France, should the colonies find an equal interest, by giving way to their prejudices, and their native affection for the parent state. He said, that other nations would be jealous of their manufactures and commodities; Sweden of her iron; Denmark of her timber; Russia of her naval stores; in short, every power to the northward. He advised not to send out the commissioners with their present powers. To give power to suspend, and not repeal, was doing next to nothing; or even repeal the rest, leave the declaratory law [3 T]

*

standing, and the same difficulty would recur. For suppose commissioners should be authorised to assure the Congress, that the Declaratory Act would be repealed, what possible security could the Congress have for the performance, parliament being still at liberty to dissent, though America should agree to conciliate? He then moved, "That an Act of the 6th of the present King, intituled, An Act for the better securing the dependency of his Majesty's dominions in America, upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain,' might be read." It was read. He then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to repeal the said Act."

Sir G. Yonge seconded the motion, which was likewise supported by Mr. Powys.

was of a great extent, and took in the West India islands; it was consequently improper to bring it at this crisis before the House.

Mr. Greaves moved that the debate be adjourned for two months.

Mr. Burke spoke much at length to the question, and with much applause from the greater part on both sides of the House. The tendency of his speech was to prove that the Act, as an abstract proposition of law, was wise at the time it was made. That it produced great advantage, at that time, to the measures for healing the differences with America; and that it produced no ill effect. That the House had already formally renounced the obnoxious power in question, which was supposed to be involved in that Act; and that, therefore, this repeal would be only for parliament to give itself the lie, for no manner of purpose.

The motion of adjournment was then agreed to.

DEBATE ON THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S MOTION FOR AN ADDRESS TO THE KING UPON THE STATE OF THE NATION-Sudden ILLNESS OF THE EARL OF CHATHAM.] April 7. The House being in a Committee on the State of the Nation,

Sir Cecil Wray. I give my vote for the question under a sincere conviction, that the declaration contained in the Act is so far from being true, that the very reverse of it is so, and that the parliament of Great Britain has no power to pass laws binding America in any case whatsoever. When America was first settled, the whole right to conquest, discovery, and division of lands was in the King; it was in his power to grant them to any body, and on any condition. This power he used in America, in all cases without and in some against the consent of parliament, who The Duke of Richmond rose, and prenever indeed supposed that such feudal ceded the grounds of his intended motion rights were vested in them. At what time with desiring, that if any noble lord had the King gave up or parliament usurped any proposition to offer to the committee, these rights, is not now my business to in- he would then move it, as his intention quire; but I must maintain that unless was, in case no other peer gave an intiAmerica had consented to such a cession, mation of his wishing to prosecute the inAmerica is not bound by it, but her rights quiry into the state of the nation further, remain the same as when first established to close it, by offering to their lordships' by her charters. A late decision in the consideration an Address to his Majesty, King's-bench fully establishes this doc- founded upon what their lordships had trine. The King may lay any impositions come to the knowledge of, in the course on a conquered country by his own autho- of the committee's sitting. No lord anrity, till he has by proclamation or other-swering, his grace said, he had to thank wise given up that power by establishing another. Had I thought this Act declaratory of the real power of parliament, I should have voted for the repeal of the obnoxious Acts, on the idea of their inexpediency; but thinking as I do, that the parliament of Great Britain has no power to pass laws binding America in any case whatsoever, I shall certainly vote for the

motion.

Lord North thought the subject of much too delicate a nature to be agitated at that time; he would therefore be glad that it might not be debated: indeed, the Act

the House for the great candour with which he had been heard in the progress of the inquiry, and to give his reasons for winding up the whole by such an Address as he had mentioned. He said the inquiry was highly necessary, as it had produced a circumstantial recital of very interesting information; and after shewing the bene ficial consequences which the nation had reaped from their lordships having so patiently and properly attended to the various parts of it which had been agitated, urged the propriety of closing it at present.

The Duke said, he had for a long time

likely to avert the ruin which threatened the kingdom. The enquiry, the duke declared, had been of singular advantage to the nation; and he was exceedingly happy to find that it had met with universal approbation. Another circumstance which gave him great pleasure was, that the conduct of it had been approved of by their lordships, who had in no one instance expressed their dislike of the manner of agitating the various questions introduced either by other lords, or which he had the honour to open to the committee; the only objections made to either, amounting, not to a denial of the resolutions of fact offered to their consideration, but merely to an argument of the inexpediency of carrying such resolutions at that particular time. Having premised this, his grace recapitulated the various parts of the enquiry.

observed, that it was the object of govern- | possible, adopt such measures as were ment to enslave America, and to exercise a degree of tyranny over that extensive continent, entirely repugnant to the spirit of the British constitution, and directly opposite to every idea of liberty which could possibly be entertained by a free people. That this object was sometimes prosecuted with unremitting rigour, sometimes with a sort of relaxation; but that the latter was obviously meant to enable those who directed the design to renew their attempt to enslave America with more violence, and with a better prospect of success. That conscious of the influence of administration, and convinced that it would be in vain to oppose their measures, he had for one whole session absented himself from parliament. Aware, however, from the first, that the attempt to deprive America of her freedom might terminate in the ruin of Great Britain, when he found such measures adopted as After dwelling on every point which had tended to accelerate that ruin, he thought been agitated, and shewing that it was of it his duty to make one effort to let the the utmost importance for the nation to people see their danger, and to judge for beware of its danger, and to know that the themselves of the wisdom or the wicked- war, if finished immediately, had cost ness of those who had loaded the nation them 24 millions, and if continued one with so heavy a calamity as the American year longer, must necessarily cost them war. The very idea of forcing America nine millions more, his grace said, he back to subjection, and conquering the thought the propositions authorised to be thirteen provinces, was so absurd, that the sent out to America, under the last acts, eyes of all Europe had been provoked to and which had been a year or two since regard the attempt as impossible. To made without effect, would now prove a carry on a war at such a distance as Ame- fruitless endeavour to conciliate the two rica was situated from Britain, to transport countries, although various opportunities an army of 40,000 men across so extensive had offered themselves when terms might a sea as the Atlantic, and to suppose it have been proposed with success. He possible to victual that army by sending closed with urging their lordships to save it provisions from Europe, was, considered the loss of more lives, deeming it the first altogether, a project unparalleled in his- duty of humanity, and producing the copy tory, and so improbable to be successfully of an Address to his Majesty, which he practised, that every nation, in the least thought the present situation of affairs conversant with the art of war, confessed warranted; he begged, however, that it their admiration of the lunatic scheme. might not be argued against it, that it He begged their lordships to consider, drew conclusions without premises, bethat the acts of madmen created admira- cause the resolutions offered to the comtion, as well as the acts of the sensible. mittee would have been the premises, had It was as natural to wonder, that any man they been allowed to have been carried. should dare attempt what was highly pro- Having premised that the Address was bable to end in his ruin, as it was to be necessarily long, the duke read it to the surprized at those bold efforts which no- committee, as follows: thing but the most solid judgment could dictate. His grace said, he had joined in the admiration confessed by all the world, and finding (as he had with others supposed) that the attempt to conquer Ame rica would fail, he had thought it necessary to move an enquiry into the state of the nation, that their lordships might, if

"That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to inform his Majesty, that in the serious situation in which we found public affairs at the opening of this session of parliament, this House thought it an indispensible duty to take into consideration the State of the Nation.

"That we have examined in a com