April 7. The House went into a committee on the Acts relating to the Trade and Commerce of Ireland; lord Midleton in the chair.

Earl Nugent opened the business. From a long series of unshaken loyalty, the Irish,

This does not indicate a ministerial job; a party design; or a provincial or local purpose. It is therefore not so absolutely clear, that the measure is wrong, or likely to be injurious to the true interests of any place, or any person. The reason, gentlemen, for taking this step, at this time, is but too obvious and too urgent. I cannot imagine, that you forget the great war, which has been carried on with so little success (and, as I thought, with so little policy) in America; or that you are not aware of the other great wars which are impending. Ireland has been called upon to repel the attacks of enemies of no small power, brought upon her by councils in which she has had no share. The very purpose and declared object of that original war, which has brought other wars, and other enemies on Ireland, was not very flattering to her dignity, her interest, or to the very principle of her liberty. Yet she submitted patiently to the evils she suffered from an attempt to subdue to your obedience, countries whose, very commerce was not open to her. America was to be conquered, in order that Ireland should not trade thither; whilst the miserable trade which she is permitted to carry on to other places has been torn to pieces in the struggle. In this situation, are we neither to suffer her to have any real interest in our quarrel, or to be flattered with the hope of any future means of bearing the burthens which she is to incur in defending herself against enemies which we have brought upon her?

I cannot set my face against such arguments. Is it quite fair to suppose, that I have no other motive for yielding to them, but a desire of acting against my constituents? It is for you, and for your interest, as a dear, cherished, and respected part of a valuable whole, that I have taken my share in this question. You do not, you cannot suffer by it. If honesty be true policy with regard to the transient interest of individuals, it is much more certainly so with regard to the permanent interests of communities. I know, that it is but too natural for us to see our own certain ruin, in the possible prosperity of other people. It is hard to persuade us, that every thing which is got by another is not taken from ourselves. But it is fit, that we should get the better of these suggestions, which come from what is not the best and soundest part of our nature, and that we should form to ourselves a way of think ing, more rational, more just, and more religi ous. Trade is not a limited thing; as if the objects of mutual demand and consumption, could not stretch beyond the bounds of our jealousies. God has given the earth to the

he said, were entitled to every encouragement which good and faithful subjects could deserve, and a wise and grateful government could give; oppressive laws had hitherto been their only reward: he did not, however mean to complain; if

children of men, and he has undoubtedly, in giving it to them, given them what is abundantly sufficient for all their exigencies; not a scanty, but a most liberal provision for them all. The author of our nature has written it strongly in that nature, and has promulgated the same law in his written word, that man shall eat his bread by his labour; and I am persuaded, that no man, and no combination of men, for their own ideas of their particular profit, can, without great impiety, undertake to say, that he shall not do so; that they have no sort of right, either to prevent the labour, or to withhold the bread. Ireland having received no compensation, directly or indirectly, for any restraints on their trade, ought not, in justice or common honesty, to be made subject to such restraints. I do not mean to impeach the right of the parliament of Great Britain to make laws for the trade of Ireland. I only speak of what laws it is right for parliament to make.

It is nothing to an oppressed people, to say that in part they are protected at our charge. The military force which shall be kept up in order to cramp the natural faculties of a people, and to prevent their arrival to their utmost pros perity, is the instrument of their servitude, not the means of their protection. To protect men, is to forward, and not to restrain their improvement. Else, what is it more, than to avow to them, and to the world, that you guard them from others, only to make them a prey to yourself? This fundamental nature of protection does not belong to free, but to all governments; and is as valid in Turkey as in Great Britain. No government ought to own that it exists for the purpose of checking the prosperity of its people, or that there is such a principle involved in its policy.

Under the impression of these sentiments, (and not as wanting every attention to my constituents, which affection and gratitude could inspire,) I voted for these bills which give you so much trouble. I voted for them, not as doing complete justice to Ireland, but as being something less unjust than the general probibition which has hitherto prevailed. I hear some discourse, as if in one or two paltry duties on materials, Ireland had a preference; and that those who set themselves against this act of scanty justice, assert that they are only contending for an equality. What equality? Do they forget, that the whole woollen manufacture of Ireland, the most extensive and profitable of any, and the natural staple of that kingdom, has been in a manner so destroyed by restrictive laws of ours, and (at our persua sion, and on our promises) by restrictive laws

Mr. Pelham professed himself a wellwisher to Ireland; and said, that no man had a greater respect for that kingdom than he had; he was not, however, without his doubts, that the present measure would be highly detrimental to the manufactures of this country; the taxes in Ireland being low, and labour cheap, the Irish would be able to undersell us, and thereby ruin several of our trading towns.

Lord Beauchamp begged leave to set the hon, gentleman right. The taxes in Ireland were many and high; and, proportionably to the means of paying them, considerably greater than in England. Some gentlemen who had travelled into Ireland, had, from the opulence of its metropolis, and the unbounded hospitality of the people of fashion, formed very unjust ideas of the real state of the kingdom: it was reduced by oppressive laws to a wretched situation; their loyalty was, however, superior to every selfish consideration; they saw nothing but our danger; and though our acts had banished into foreign countries numbers of their brethren, and left them in a miserable state, still they were willing to strain every nerve to serve us in the moment of distress: a braver, more generous, and more loyal people was not to be found. He flattered himself, therefore, that they would be treated by the House according to their high deserts.

Sir Thomas Egerton was of opinion, that this kingdom would suffer by its indulgence in this point; the manufactures of Lancashire, in particular, would be ruined; and that county alone would, as he was informed, lose 100,000l. per annum in the article of checks only, if the measure now proposed should pass into a law. Mr. T. Townshend expressed his warm approbation of the motion. He was happy to see the mist of prejudice begin to disperse, and would be happy to give the measure a broader bottom: though as stedfast a Protestant as any gentleman in the House, he declared he should be glad to see some means adopted to grant such indulgencies to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, as might attach that great body

Lord North declared he would with all his heart concur in any measure that could tend to answer so desirable an end; but it was not their province; it was the province of the parliament of Ireland: the laws which were so severe against the Roman Catholics had originated there, and redress of domestic grievances should of right originate likewise from them. He was of opinion, that the Irish parliament would see where the grievance lay, and redress it, for there was not any where a people of more liberal sentiments than the Irish. The penal laws of Ireland were the consequence of apprehension, which, however groundless, always adopted the most cruel and severe policy. The Irish complained, and complained with justice. Leaving to the candour of their own parliament to grant such indulgence to the Roman Catholics as their loyalty deserves: he requested the House would agree to that which was in their power, and properly in their province: to relax the trade laws would benefit the Irish, and ultimately enrich ourselves; embarked in the same cause with us, they could not be called our rivals in trade, but their rivals were our rivals. The exception of woollen cloths he would say nothing to: it might not, perhaps, be just; but it was a point given up by the Irish, and confirmed by an ancient compact; if it should be found in the course of the proceedings that any other exceptions were necessary, the House no doubt would make them. Upon the whole, the motion should meet his hearty concurrence.

The question was carried nem. con.

Earl Nugent then moved, "That all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the produce of any of the British plantations, or of any of the settlements belonging to Great Britain, on the coast of Africa, be permitted to be exported from thence into the said kingdom of Ireland, indico and tobacco only excepted." He next moved, "That the Acts prohibiting the exportation of glass be repealed: also, That the duties on the importation of eotton yarn manufactured in Ireland, be no longer paid.”

Mr. Burke then moved, "That all sail cloth and cordage, of the manufacture of

*

Ireland, be permitted to be imported from Ireland into Great Britain, free of duty." The above Resolutions were agreed to by the Committee.

April 8. Lord Midleton brought up the report of the Committee. The first and second Resolutions were ordered to be recommitted; the other three were agreed to by the House.

April 9. Lord Midleton reported from the Committee to whom the first and second Resolutions were recommitted, the Resolutions which the committee had directed him to report to the House; read, and are as followeth, viz.

"That all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the produce or manufacture of the kingdom of Ireland, or commodities of the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain, legally imported into Ireland, or foreign certificate goods legally imported from Great Britain into Ireland, be permitted to be exported directly from the said kingdom, in British ships navigated according to law, to be imported into any of the British plantations, or to any of the settlements belonging to Great Britain on the coast of Africa, wool and woollen manufactures only excepted.

"That all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the produce of any of the British plantations, or any of the settlements belonging to Great Britain on the coast of Africa, be permitted to be exported from thence into the said kingdom of Ireland, tobacco only excepted."

Mr. Burke moved, that the first Resolution be recommitted. The House resolved itself immediately into a committee on the first Resolution. Mr. Burke's amendment was agreed to; and the House being resumed, lord Midleton reported the Resolution as follows:

"Resolved, That all goods, wares, and merchandize, being the produce or manufacture of the kingdom of Ireland, wool and woollen manufactures only excepted, or commodities of the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain, legally imported into Ireland, or foreign certificate goods legally imported from Great Britain into Ireland, be permitted to be exported directly from the said kingdom in British ships navigated according to law, to be imported into any of the British plantations, pr to any of the settlements belonging to Great Britain on the coast of Africa."

Sir Cecil Wray, on the second Resolu

tion, begged the House to proceed on so interesting a matter with the utmost caution. He thought it very imprudent to proceed in it at this late season of the year, when the House was very thin, and the kingdom could not be enough advertised of their proceedings. If these propositions were introduced merely to try the pulse of the nation, and to lie over to the next session, he should be most agreeable to that procedure, because thereby every one would have leisure to consider, and the House would be full to discuss the matter.

Mr. Connolly said, though an Irishman, and much of his property lay in Ireland, it was not from mere local considerations that he lent his hand to the work: he was convinced that the advantages proposed by the Bills, for the Irish, would turn out in the end to the benefit of Great Britain. As a member of the British empire, he did not deem it a matter of sufficient weight to prevent the Bills from passing into a law, that a part of the kingdom might be a little injured, provided the general good of the whole was promoted by it.

Mr. Jenkinson said, there would be good time, by the intervention of the holidays, to give the nation leisure to consider and start their objections to it.

Lord North was of the same opinion; but hoped that no new propositions would be grafted upon it, but that it would pass in its present form.

Sir Cecil Wray then declared, that as the fiat of the noble lord had determined it to pass this session, he would take a decided part in the business, and steadily oppose it; and in this he hoped to be assisted by every independent member.

The Resolutions being agreed to, Bills were ordered to be brought in thereon.*

"A strong opposition was forming against the Irish Bills, which were founded upon the Resolutions already stated. A general alarm was spread, through most of the trading and considered the admittance of Ireland to any manufacturing parts of the kingdom. They participation in trade, as not only destructive in the most ruinous degree of their property, but as being equally subversive of their rights. They were as little disposed to consent that the people of Ireland should cultivate their own manufactures, and dispose of their native commodities at the proper foreign markets, as they were to admit them to any limited degree of could scarcely have excited a greater alarm. participation. In a word, a foreign invasion It ran like an infection every where, and took such absolute possession of the mind, that the recent, and immediately sore-felt example of

May 4. A Petition being presented from the manufacturers of Somersetshire against the Bill for permitting the importation of sail-cloth from Ireland,

Mr. Burke observed, that it was he who through mistake had moved for leave to bring in the Bill, though, upon enquiry, he had since discovered, that such a law was already in being. If the Bill would be productive of the consequences stated in the Petition, it was a little extraordinary the petitioners forgot to complain when they were hurt; and now felt so strongly, when there was not even a possibility of sustaining any injury. From this he inferred, that the jealousy entertained of the other Irish Bills was equally ill-founded, and only originated in gross prejudice, or the selfish views of a few interested individuals.

The Petition was ordered to lie on the table.

May 6. The order of the day for the second reading of the Bill" to permit the Importation of sail cloth and cordage of the manufacture of Ireland, into this kingdom, duty free," being read,

Sir Cecil Wray moved, that it be read a second time this day three months, which was agreed to.

On the motion for the second reading of the Bill" to permit the importation of certain goods from the British plantations

America, with respect to any general application of causes to effects, was totally forgotten. The city of London preserved the dignity of so great and majestic an emporium, and continued uninfluenced by common opinion, and unmoved by popular clamour. The Easter recess afforded time and opportunity for public meetings, for the preparation of petitions, and of instructions to representatives, which were accordingly brought up in considerable numbers at the meeting of parliament. A curious circumstance occurred upon this occasion, which afforded a striking instance of the eager ness with which ill-founded popular apprehensions, may, in certain cases, be received and communicated. A motion had been made, and a Bill accordingly brought in, for the importation of sail-cloth from Ireland. This was however founded totally in error, and Mr. Burke, who brought it in afterwards, discovered that the liberty of importing Irish sail-cloth was already established, by a positive law of long standing. Yet this Bill was as violently opposed by petitions from different parts of the kingdom, and as strongly charged with the most ruinous consequences, as any of the other four Bills its companions, which were all founded upon new ground." Annual Register.

in America, or the British settlements on the coast of Africa, into the kingdom of Ireland,

Sir Cecil Wray took a general review of the commercial state of Ireland, and expressed his hearty wishes, that the British parliament might render her every assis tance in its power, without infringing on the trade of Great Britain. He said he had no objection to admit of Ireland's participating equally with us of the benefits of a free trade, provided she bore an equal share of our national burthens; but that was not the case, Ireland was computed to contain two million of souls, and they were taxed at one million; 10s. each upon an average; that Great Britain having six million of souls, and her taxes being twelve million, each inhabitant was taxed 40s. an astonishing difference, and such as could not justify the introduction of the Bills now depending. He well knew the grievances of the former country, and lamented them; among which were the Irish pension list, the sinecure offices, the Roman Catholic bills, the absentees, and various others; and assured the House he would gladly join in redressing them; but the present business was of too serious and complicated a nature to be hurried through at the latter end of a session; that, in his opinion, the trade of Ireland should be referred to a committee, who should minutely investigate it, and report it to the House, who might then take the whole into consideration, and endeavour to relieve them. As to a rebellion in Ireland, in consequence of a non-compliance with the present request, he had no idea of it; the people at large were not interested in the event; a few merchants of Cork, Dublin, &c. might; but the opulent were not the men for rebellion; they were the poor and indigent; if America had been rich, she would never have been in rebellion; the rich only are calculated for slaves. If these Bills passed, he would not answer but a rebellion might happen in England, because our manufacturers would be out of employ; and as a further consideration, a part of our sea nursery would be destroyed by the passing of these Bills.-On the whole, sir Cecil was of opinion, that the present measure was brought into the House at a very improper time, when the minds of men were taken up with matters of the most singular importance; and, besides, at the conclusion of the session. A matter of such magnitude, as overthrowing the whole system of