France and Spain. That boasted navy, which, by the grants upon our Journals, appears to have cost this nation, in the 8 years of that earl's administration, twice as much as the 8 years of the last war. Had a single ship been sent in time to lord Howe, with orders to prepare, perhaps the great naval skill of that admiral, joined to the abilities of the gallant officers who serve under him, might have united a force, and so managed it, as to have pro

intelligence that passengers of distinction, answering to the description of emissaries from the court of France, were to em bark; added to the hastiness of the equipment, and the strength of the fleet, would have alarmed ministers to prepare for its destination being to America. Were ministers ignorant that our army in America depends for subsistence or retreat upon our superiority by sea? Were they ignorant that a scattered fleet is not a match for one that is united? Were they igno-tected that part of the coast where general rant that a single ship can outsail a fleet? And ought not a man of war to have carried intelligence to lord Howe of a superior fleet to his own standing to the west ward? If ministers could not spare a squadron, was the object hazarded not worth sparing one single ship?

us.

Ministers knew the Toulon armament was destined to commit hostilities against Were they ignorant that we are unprepared to contend with it in any part of the globe! Ought not a fleet, then, to have been ready to oppose it? Ought not the same admiral and the same ships, to have been ready to sail from Spithead in time, when the wind was fair, instead of delaying till it was too late, and the wind contrary? Could no privy council be found between January and May, to determine how to act, should the Toulon fleet put to sea? Were they all that time wrangling who should have the reversion of the Cinque Ports? or are they totally indifferent how many gallant officers, ships, or troops, are sacrificed through their wavering policy of extreme rashness, or extreme indolence and somnolency?

Howe's army is employed. But, then we must judge of lord Howe's fleet by his returns in November, and attribute to the confidence which ministry place in our running no hazard of defeat in America; that in all there remains 7 sail of the line, 5 fifty-gunships, 3 forty-gun ships, and about 26 frigates, with the advantage of smaller rates to supply the fleet with men. But par liament must see that under the most flattering circumstances, that fleet could not protect the Delaware, New York, Nova Scotia, and Canada.

But what shall be said severe enough of ministers, if they have hazarded so formidable an attack from the French, not only without the advantage of lord Howe to command our fleet, but perhaps deprived of half the ships I have before stated; for, if report says true, lord Howe, in the Eagle, with two 64 gun-ships, and some frigates, are now in their passage home. Others only say, that a part of our ships are ordered to return, but not lord Howe. Sir, if either of those reports are founded on truth, what sort of a fleet will then remain in America to protect the British What is the situation of lord Howe? army? Or should any squadron of ours Was he sent to America to watch the mo-be met on their passage home by the Toutions of the French, or to protect the army, and to scatter his fleet along the coast, to prevent the Americans from interrupting our commerce? Lord Howe is known to be as vigilant as he is brave; but it may be difficult to enter into his great mind, that an insulted flag is parading at Spithead; or that ministers, who promised to be his trusty centinels upon Europe, have slept on the watch, or been regaling at a mere puppet-shew; whilst that gallant admiral, without time to collect his scattered ships, is suffered to be attacked by a fleet supe rior to his own-a fleet from France-a fleet escaped from under the eye of government, and gone forth in defiance of that boasted navy of Great Britain, which the earl of Sandwich so often pledged his faith to be superior to the united fleets of

lon fleet, would they not be sacrificed through the fatal neglect of ministry? For though I will admit that it might not have been count D'Estaing's original plan to have steered to intercept them, yet when we consider the strong south-west winds which blowed in the beginning of May, which would have driven the French flect (if in the western ocean) up into our northern latitudes, it is no longer improba ble that our men of war should be met on their passage home, and be taken by so superior a force. A Mediterranean fleet of observation was the more necessary, because a fair wind depends not only upon the place bound to, but the place bound from; whereas a squadron sent from our channel, having the same wind with the French fleet, might not find equal advan

I

tages to shape a course for America, and | lishmen, to dread its consequences. thereby arrive too late to be of any utility. How far the resources of this country, its sea and land forces, are equal to contend with France, Spain, and America, ministers, who have made the task inevitable, must answer to the nation. But I do say, if parliament is so panic-struck about invasions-is grown so very humble and insignificant, as to give up all hopes of revenging the insults of the House of Bourbon, and basely mean to yield up the dominion of the seas to our natural enemies, without striking one blow, for the ancient honour and reputation of the British flag: parliament ought, at least, in common justice to the characters of gallant officers, who have lived to serve their country in better days, and under better ministers, to have secured to them a safe and honourable retreat, which the army and navy in America may, through the fatal treachery and neglect of ministers, be totally cut off from, for want of timely intelligence, and a proper addition of ships; and, should the hand of Providence have interposed so much in our favour, as to have rendered eighteen days ineffectual to the designs of France, and so ordered the winds, that, whilst they blew strong at east, both in the Channel and Mediterranean, when the French fleet sailed, and, though the wind did not change to the westward with us till the 1st of May, that it should have changed in the Mediterranean soon after count D'Estaign. I believe so providential an event would not be attributed to the prayers of the earl of Sandwich, or be sufficient to convince the nation of the vigilance, foresight, and wise precaution of government.

hope, likewise, that we have at last got a fleet to guard our coast. We know we have an admiral to command it (Keppel) justly confided in by this country, and whom the French and Spaniards dread, by their dear-bought experience. I cannot sit down, Sir, without touching on the difficulty which gentlemen on that side the House have expressed, to reconcile to their understandings the warlike order of the minority members, who so long reprobated the civil contests. I think I can, in very few words, prove my conduct to be consistent, if not to their satisfaction, at least to their conviction. I never mean to retract my opinions on that subject. I acknowledge I wished the Americans success, as long as you waged an unjust, rash, and savage war against them, without holding out redress of grievances, and constitutional terms of peace. And, Sir, the same sentiments which warmed me in their cause, must animate me to call strenuously upon ministry for vigorous measures against France and Spain. It is because I glory in opposing arbitrary power, and never wish to see despotic principles established in the constitution of Great Britain, whether by the arms of our enemies, or through the treachery of our ministers. I shall give my hearty assent to the motions. They are founded on strong incontrovertible facts, furnished by government themselves.

I shall take this opportunity to say a few words relative to the armament at Cadiz. I have heard it said, that it is only meant to protect their galleons. But can we be a moment deceived in the intentions of the Spaniards, when we see them send out a force equal to the utmost exigency of being absolutely at war with Great Britain? Is it not a proof, that they do not expect to be at peace with us, even till the month of June, when, at the latest, their galleons should arrive? Is it not a proof, that they, too, have signed the treaty? Whatever be the real destination of that armament, let me remind the ministry, that the review is over, and Gibraltar defenceless. As to an invasion, I have too great an opinion of the spirit of Eng[VOL. XIX. ]

Sir James Lowther observed, that our present temporizing with the court of Spain was, of all politics, the worst; for that she was only amusing us till the arrival of her flota, which was looked for early in June, and which, some said, was arrived. He asked the noble lord in the blue ribbon, whether it was so, or not? If not, the only step was, instantly to take it, on board of which were eight millions of money. He said, that the Spanish docks lay, some little time ago, so defenceless, that the principal part of their marine might have been destroyed, with the greatest ease.

Mr. Fox said, he could not avoid giving his opinion upon the present question, ill defended, or rather totally neglected as it had been by the ministers. He should think himself happy if any of the hon. gentlemen upon the Treasury-bench would interrupt him at that moment; but finding they were not likely to afford him that satisfaction, he felt himself in a situation, in which according to his comprehension [4 F]

those affairs of state, which they were immediately summoned to vote and de termine upon. To speak with freedom, and to the fullest extent that reason dictated and information gave, was the essence of parliamentary functions; and its exercise became at present more particularly necessary than at any other time, when, through the egregious folly, or the most heinous treachery, in the King's mi

and the vigour of parliament only, that could afford even a hope of redeeming this country from destruction.

of the question, no member of parliament had ever stood before. He felt that he, as a member of that House, had, with many other persons in it, been insulted by what the right hon. gentleman had said. For what had the right hon. gentleman proposed? After papers had been delivered to that House, and those papers taken into consideration, he had moved the previous question. And upon what grounds had he moved that question? Be-nisters, and notwithstanding the enormous cause that House ought not to determine supplies granted by that House, yet, not a that the facts arising out of those papers single measure had been taken, to guard were fit to determine upon; that the con- against the greatest danger that ever clusion drawn from these facts was not a threatened this country. In such a situafit conclusion for that House to draw! He tion, when France was with great activity said, that so far from being an improper sending out fleets to reduce our remaining time to enquire, he thought the present foreign possessions, and preparing for an the favourable moment for these resolu- immediate invasion of England or Ireland, tions to be entered into that all the whilst we were languishing under the arguments of the right hon. gentleman torpor of a supine, senseless, incapable gowere calculated for refusing the informa-vernment, it was the care, the vigilance, tion that had been already given, and should have been made when the papers were moved for, not when they were to be taken into consideration; that the undoubted privilege of that House was to enquire into, and to censure the conduct of those who were entrusted with the executive power of the state. The right hon. member had said, that the matter before them was a fit subject for the deliberation of his Majesty's council, but not for the House of Commons. The right hon. gentleman, surely, could not mean that the cabinet council was the fit place to censure want of wisdom in his Majesty's councils. Nor could it be supposed that the same council which had given so many unhappy proofs of its total want of wisdom, would now correct its own errors and be the avenger of its own offences. He observed, that the right hon. gentleman's argument was so broad, that it was calculated to screen every minister that had ever existed; and, if founded in reason, ought to put an end to all inquiry into the conduct of those who had the direction of public affairs. But broad as that argument was, it was not calculated to screen the present ministers.

Lord North said, he should be happy to have his conduct inquired into when the proper time arrived, but he did not conceive the present to be fit for that purpose. That he could not answer for the ability of his advice, nor that he would prove successful; but he was sure that what he did advise, he advised honestly. He seemed to think the channel service necessary to be taken care of, though he dreaded an inva sion as little as any body; nor did he think any such thing very likely to happen. He did not know but a house or a village might be burnt, but he was sure conquest could never be the consequence of such a descent. That freemen would always be able to repel every such attempt. That with respect to the dependencies of this country, they were so scattered, that it was impossible to defend them all from attack, but he trusted something might be done to protect them. That he had every reason to believe the French fleet was very ill manned, and ill provided with every thing, and that they were gone back to Toulon. He then entered into a compara The right hon. gentleman had ex- tive view of the French and Spanish fleets pressed a very indecent opinion in very with that of England, and seemed to think decent words; for nothing could be it was not at all wonderful, if the other so injurious to the honour of parlia-two nations had a larger united fleet than ment; nothing so great an imputation on their credits and understandings; nothing so abhorrent from the ends and principles of their institution, as to suppose parliament incapable of deliberating on

this country; for if a country did apply a great part of its revenue to building of ships, no doubt it could build ships; but he was inclined to think the British seamen were much superior, and that we should beat

when they received intelligence of the preparations at Toulon; and such was the diligence and dispatch of lord Anson, the first lord of the Admiralty, that a fleet was got ready in a fortnight; it actually sailed on the 12th of April under admiral Byng; and had that fleet been successful, there would have been no failure in point of time or preparation. But it is a mistake to assert, that parliament did not go as early as possible into the discussion of that business. 'Twas, indeed, too late to enter into a formal enquiry that session; but the ministers were immediately and incessantly arraigned both within and without doors for not being armed sooner. The very first day of the next session, the enquiry was moved; but the ministers then did not shrink from it as these do now; on the contrary, when the motion was made on this side the House, a noble marquis (Granby) whose memory will ever be dear to his friends and to his country, instantly rose, as a friend to the administration, to second it; and so far from shirking with previous questions, or a still more disgraceful motion of adjournment, the strife was, who should promote the enquiry most. Let me, then, ask wherein does the conduct of that administration resemble this? Whatever disgraces and whatever losses may happen from the operation of the Toulon squadron, are all to be attributed to those ministers who might have prevented our misfortunes, if they had made a proper use of those ample supplies which we have granted. From their tempers and habits much may be attributed to inattention and to carelessness. It is ignominious, it is hateful for men in public stations even to seem regardless of public safety in the hour of danger; but in the present situation of affairs, there is something more than can be set down to the account of folly only; and if the King's ministers shrink as they do now from all investigation of their conduct, unjustifiable as neglect is, they will incur a suspicion of something still more criminal.

The question being put, that the House do now adjourn; the House divided:

Tellers.

Mr. Charles Townshend

YEAS {General Fitzroy

Mr. Thomas Townshend

NOES Mr. Fox

125

end 89

Debate on Mr. Vyner's Motion for an Enquiry into the Convention at SaratogaAnd into the Conduct of General Burgoyne.*] May 26.

Mr. Vyner moved "That this House will, now, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider the state and condition of the Army which surrendered themselves prisoners on Convention at Saratoga in America; and also by what means lieutenant general Burgoyne, who commanded that army, and was included in that Convention, was released, and is now returned to England." He stated

"The arrival of general Burgoyne from

America, with some peculiar circumstances accompanying or consequent of that event, business relative to the Northern Expedition, served, all together, to cause a revival of the and seemed to indicate such an accession of new matter of investigation, as might possibly keep parliament together longer than had been expected. That once favourite general soon discovered, upon his return, that he was no longer an object of court favour, or of ministerial countenance. He was, in the first inand from thence experienced all those marks stance, refused admission to the royal presence, of being in disgrace, which are so well understood, and so quickly perceived, by the retainers and followers of courts Under these circumstances of disgrace and interdiction, a court of enquiry was appointed; but the general officers reported, that, in his then situation, as a prisoner on parole to the Congress, under the convention-they could not take cognithen demanded a court martial-which on the zance of his conduct. This spirited officer same grounds was refused. He then declared himself under a necessity of throwing himself upon parliament, for a public enquiry into his conduct. The business was not, however, taken up, as he expected, by any side of the House at his first appearance. Possibly the lateness of the season, and the fear of the dedeter the opposition from any steps to that termination of a ministerial majority, might purpose. Mr. Vyner, however, removed the difficulty that occurred on either side, &c." Annual Register.

"A vast concourse of gentlemen, being introduced by members, assembled this day in the gallery, and some confusion ensuing in consequence thereof, Mr. Gascoyne moved for the House to be cleared of Strangers; the serjeant at arms was accordingly directed to clear it immediately. After which a warm debate ensued on the propriety of shutting up the Gallery on such a day; Mr. Dunning, general Burgoyne and several other members contended strongly for its being opened, particularly the latter, who wished the public at large to judge

So it was resolved in the affirmative, and of his conduct. But all this availed nothing."

the House adjourned accordingly.

London Chronicle.