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would not be found security equally substantial with any one fund his lordship could devise.

Mr. Jenkinson supported every one of the noble lord's calculations. He took a retrospective view of the conduct of other Chancellors of the Exchequer, particularly of Mr. Legge, who was esteemed a very able financier; and insisted, that the present bargain was one of the most advantageous that ever was made for the public, when so large a sum was to be funded. He allowed the events of war, or of negociation, were uncertain; but for his part, he should never depart from his original opinion, that if America was to remain a part of the British empire, she ought most certainly to bear a proportionable share of the expence of general protection. He approved highly of the taxes, as hitting the proper medium between what were called mere luxuries, and the necessaries of life. In short, they were laid upon the elegant conveniencies of life, which were the true objects of taxation in every well regulated state. The proposed duties, he said, were not only judiciously, but equitably laid.

Mr. Burke pointed his wit chiefly at the hon. gentleman who spoke last, whom he considered as the real minister. He made his acknowledgments to him for that flood of knowledge he had poured forth, in order to fructify and improve an ignorant and admiring multitude. His wonder, however, ceased when he considered whence those copious streams of sapience, information, and instruction flowed. His opportunities were many, and well chosen; and his counsellors great, able, and powerful. He stood in high estimation, he knew, in the highest places; yet, for all his parts, and all his acquired knowledge, it would be extremely difficult for him to shew, that the surest steps towards conquering America, or inducing the colonies to come to terms of accommodation, would be to apprize them, that, conquer or submit, they must pay the expence of conquest, or of the measures previously taken to induce them to submit to unconditional obedience. On the contrary, experience, every thing in America, and out of it, contradicted such an absurd expectation. The Americans would, he was certain, sooner die in the field, than submit to such base and ignominious terms. He was and ever would be ready to support a just war, whether against subjects or alien enemies; but where justice, or a colour of justice, was

wanting, he should ever be the first to oppose it. Among other melancholy effects of the present impolitic civil war, the loss of the American trade was one of the greatest. France had got possession of it; our American subjects had found the way thither. Every other mischief might, in some measure, be remedied or removed; that, he feared, would never again flow in its native channel, be the event of negociation or hostility what it might.

Governor Johnstone said, that America was lost, he feared, for ever. We were not able to conquer, and they would never consent to receive us as allies, much less

as masters.

Colonel Barré was severe on lord North, and pledged himself that he would bring a direct charge against the noble lord tomorrow, of his abuse in office, in respect of some of the contracts.

Lord North was ready to meet any charge it was in the power of the hon. gentleman to make. He knew he had no right to ask the specific charge, or the nature of it; but since he was to be publicly accused of so great a crime as malversation in office, in the face of the nation, he hoped the hon. gentleman would be so generous to let him know the nature of his accusation, that he might be the better enabled to defend himself tomorrow.

Colonel Barré replied, he did not wish to take any man by surprize; he had often mentioned it before. It was relative to contracts and contractors; but the matter he more particularly adverted to, was the article of rum, contracted to be sent from Jamaica and the ceded islands, to North America, for the use of the fleet and army.

The Resolutions were then agreed to. As soon as the House was resumed,

The Speaker acquainted the House how extremely disagreeable it was to him to stand in the situation he did all day, relative to the admitting of strangers into the gallery, some being let in, and others not. That it was the sense of the House the other day, that strangers should be let in till the end gallery was full. He gave directions accordingly; but when the serjeant came and told him that the end gallery was full, he gave orders that no more should be admitted. However, repeated applications after that being made by se veral of the members, which, for the reason now assigned, he was obliged to refuse,

he believed they were displeased at the refusal; he therefore wished to know what the House would have done to-morrow.

Sir James Lowther said, he made no doubt but the Speaker was informed there was no room in the gallery, and that it was full; but he begged to assure the House, that he went up to see, and found it not full, but capable of holding nearly

as many more.

Mr. Rigby made atonement to the Speaker for his harsh expressions on Friday. He said, the Speaker ought to be supported, and that order ought to be maintained in all points. He observed, that a less good-natured man would keep order better. When Mr. Onslow was Speaker, he would not let members stand on the floor, or by the chair, or behind the chair talking; and when the House was disorderly, he used to call out and say, he hoped the House would support him in keeping order; and as to the gallery, and the crowd there, he knew no business that strangers, or any one else, but the members of that House, had there.

Sir James Laroche said, the crowd was so great in the lobby, that it was with great difficulty he could get into the engrossingoffice with a Bill; and he hoped it would be kept clear to-morrow.

Lord Ongley was against admitting any one into the gallery. He said, he knew no business strangers had there; and was for having the standing order put in force. Sir J. Lowther was for letting strangers in to-morrow, because he believed there would be no great crowd. He left it, however, to the Speaker himself, who he was certain would act properly.

Governor Johnstone said, few would come to-morrow from the city, as the terms for raising the money was known; but perhaps a body of contractors might come and make a crowd, and occupy all the front seats.

The Speaker said, as gentlemen seemed to entertain different opinions on the subject, he would endeavour to do as well as he could.

May 15. Sir Chas. Whitworth brought up the Resolutions of the committee of yesterday, and the Speaker put the question, that they be read.

Mr. David Hartley. When the noble lord at the head of the Treasury opened this debate, he professed his intention of confining himself merely to the official and technical parts of the subject; such as the

summation of the supplies of the year, the produce of the ordinary revenue, and of the sinking fund, the amount of the loan necessary to complete the difference, together with the terms of that loan, and the taxes necessary. I allow, that this is a wide field, affording sufficient matter for many days debate; but, as I think these matters by much the least important parts, I would wish to solicit the attention of the House to the general state of the nation in its present circumstances, and to set before them, separately from the confused mass of this day's debate, the clear expence of the American war, such as it is, and such as it must be, if the war continues; the insupportable burdens that it will entail upon those who have hitherto given their voices for the war; the impracticability of finding means to support it; the impossibility of success in the event, and all the ruinous consequences to the trade, the revenue, the powers, the strength, and the resources of this country. The minister may wish to divert your attention, by a multitude of other matters, from these alarming objects, and to amuse an inattentive House and nation into ruin, through the ingenious intricacies of office, and a display of his own abilities, in strewing flowers before you in the paths of destruction. I' have long known the talents of the noble lord; and so far I must say for him, though not for the cause, that if the nation will have an American war, he has performed the official part of Chancellor of the Exchequer for this year with great ability; and if I could think the war to be as just, necessary, and practicable, as I think it to be injustice, madness, and ruin, I should have but little more to say upon the occasion of this debate.

I shall not follow the noble lord into the detail of the Budget, but I shall keep to a more general view of the present state of the nation, and its prospects. There is, indeed, one article in the terms of the loan which deserves notice, because it betrays a great deal of what are the real sentiments of the minister, and of the contractors for the loan, of the future prospect of things. The noble lord has told us, that every subscriber of 100l. to the new loan is to receive such conditions, as by estimation shall be all together calculated to be worth 1027. the difference being the premium for the new subscription. He has made it out thus: In the first place, 100%. of 3 per cent. stock, valued at 76/.; in the next place, 10s. per annum, for ten years

certain, and then to cease; this he values | day to stamp with the seal of its authority this fatal truth. If all these tokens and warnings will not bring back an infatuated people to reason, we are gone past all hope of redemption.

Neither the enormous expence, nor the absolute impracticability of the war, seem to have any weight with us: we go on regardless both of the means and the end. I stated to the House last year a computation of the probable expence of the war,* and now that the papers of last year are laid upon your table, they bear testimony to the accuracy of those calculations. Those resolutions, to which I could have wished to have had the concurrence of the House, that they might have been awakened to the real state of public affairs, stand upon your Journals, to shew at least that you have had early warning offered to you; and though the fate of all of them was to fall by the previous question, or the flat negative, yet they have all proved true.

at 41. more; the premium upon one lottery ticket, he values at 31.: these articles together make 821. To complete the proposed sum of 1027. there is wanting some article that may be valued at 197. or of 171. to complete the value even of 100l. This valuable, upon which so high a price as 19 years purchase is set by the noble lord, is no other than an annuity of 1. a year, for ten years certain, reducible at the end of that term, but not ipso facto ceasing. Therefore, the noble lord must have succeeded in convincing the undertakers for the loan, that the funds will certainly continue in such a state of discredit for so many years after the expiration of the stipulated term of ten years, as to make it a bargain at this hour to give 17, 18, or 19 years purchase for a contingent annuity, not redeemable till public credit shall once more hold up its head. This is something new and extraordinary, that even the noble lord's merit and boast in making a good | As long as this national madness contibargain for the public should be founded | nues, so long must the same annual exupon the discredit of the public funds. pence of this unjust and impracticable war The minister, who from his situation must continue. Seven millions a year is the be best informed of the lamentable state of least that the expence of the American the nation, and of its prospects, cannot ex- war can be stated at, either by the meaplain his own merit to this House, without sure of the last year, or the adopted system boasting that he has sold the public dis- of expence for the present year, and so on. credit at so many years purchase, though Without entering into the detail that I he has in the same breath had the art to troubled the House with last year, you persuade us to another campaign, upon may see the difference between this year's the promise of success, and a good event expence and a year of peace, in very short to these troubles. He produces to us here totals. The total of the expence stated by the undertakers for the loan, who must go the noble lord for this year, under the upon the calculations according to the heads of navy, army, ordnance, militia, years purchase, as so many underwriters and sundry services, amounts to about of the future discredit of the public funds. 11,000,000l. the ordinary peace establishThey know very well, by their tables, that ment is under 4,000,000l. the difference, a purchase of 17, 18, or 19 years, cannot therefore, being about 7,000,000l. is occabe reimbursed to the purchaser at 4 per sioned by the American war. This is the cent. in less than 30 or 40 years. For so least. I understand, that we have sent a long, therefore, have they underwrit the recruit to the forces in America of about public discredit. These testimonies are 6,000 men; this poor recruit has been this day to receive a public parliamentary purchased at the moderate expence of sanction. Our prophetic omens and fore- 7,000,000l. We can only argue from so warnings on this side of the House have much of proofs as are before us; therelong been treated with disregard; but now fore, I would not have the House imagine the secret is confessed; the minister has me to say, that this is the whole expence. published it; the stock-broker has under- By no means; arrears upon arrears, and writ for it. This House has returned their Hessian demands upon Hessian demands thanks to their Speaker, for having laid will make a heavy total. If you were to the melancholy, but important, truth be- close at this hour this boundless profusion fore the throne, that the day "of public of madness and expence, this American distress, full of difficulty and danger, has war from first to last would not cost you overtaken us," and that we are "labour-less than 20 millions. How is this iming under burdens almost too heavy to be borne;" and now parliament is again this

*See Vol. 18, p. 1302.

commercial production begin to shrink under the hand of taxation. This is the lot which we are preparing for the landed man. When we have lost our trade and wooden walls, the landed man must carry a musket upon his own acres, and at his own cost, and in his own person, and fight upon his own land, against any fo reign invader, for the defence of his country. When the Gauls are at our gates, the sinews of a necessary defensive war must not be uncertain; the landed man must stand in the gap with his life and fortune. He alone will have any thing worth defending, or the means of defence. Let the landed man think of these things while it may yet be in time, and let him recollect that when trade and commerce are gone, the value and rental of his lands will fall, and the whole weight of all the national burdens will fall upon him, when he himself is sinking. Let me, therefore, apply to the landed gentlemen in this House, whom I consider as the guardians and watchmen of the state, to throw a golden bridge behind the minister, and to give him a retreat from the prosecution of this fatal war; and not, under a notion of false honour, to press him on to madness and ruin, through a system of unjust, destructive, and impracticable measures.

mense expence to be supported, and from what funds, from year to year? When this ruinous war shall have produced its effects in the destruction of the commerce and revenues of this country, how will all these fallings off be supplied? This is a consideration well worthy the attention of the landed gentlemen. Their acres must, in the end, answer for all deficiencies. Their land is a sure deposit; whatever fails, they cannot run away. They are bound to the stake by the solemn faith of parliament. There is not a loan founded upon any tax of consumption, without a provision, that, if it should fail, the first supplies of parliament are bound to make good all deficiencies. This is a serious matter to the landed man, and should teach him the prudence to cultivate and secure the produce of all taxes arising out of consumption, and commercial superfluities. Tea, wines, brandy, sugar, and all foreign superfluities bear their share now; but when the destruction of trade brings on general bankruptcies, and a reduction of every man's superfluous expences in living, the necessities of private parsimony will dry up the sources of taxation from superfluous consumption; that is to say, of all voluntary taxation. Then comes the landed man's turn; he must fly his country if he would fly from taxation. When superfluities fail, necessaries must stand in their place. Men must eat, and wear clothes; then you must tax bread and cloth. In a day of real distress you must lay the effective taxation upon producing funds. At such a time it is folly to tax follies. You must lay such taxes as cannot at option be avoided. Bread, and cloth, and beer, and land, and houses, must be substantially taxed. Have not the landed gentlemen heard a language which is lately got abroad, to mortgage a shilling in the pound upon land, perhaps to equalize it, and then lay it double? These are the modern preparatory hints, which, I think, are broad enough to be understood. Why should we despond? Is there not a good untouched rental of 30 or 40 millions a year in land-rents? The rental of all the houses in England is perhaps seven or eight or ten millions a year more; a shilling or two upon the land mortgaged, and a tax of 10 per cent. upon a full valuation of houses, will produce immense funds. These, I should think, must be alarming arguments coming at this time, when the fatal blow is aimed at the commercial powers and prospects of this country, when taxes of [VOL. XIX.]

Surely the most obstinate partizan for the American war must now begin to suspect his errors, and the deceptions which have been put upon him. When the war was first adopted in this House, the cry was, that the appearance of but a few men would soon annihilate all resistance, and put an end to the matter, in less than even one whole campaign; we are now entering upon the third campaign, at the expenditure of 20 millions, and nothing done. I told you the year before last, that you would meet with a resistance of an army of 50,000 men. I was then laughed at for the prediction, though it has proved true. The last year, when you had sent armies to the amount of 54,000 men, I told you that you would not touch a hair of the head of America; has it not proved so? They are unanimous, at home, and upon the defensive; you are unconcerted in your councils, 3,000 miles distant from execution, with every difficulty against you. Delay, which is the sure game of the defensive side, has been, and must prove your ruin. At sea, which has hitherto been our prerogative element, they rise against us at a stupendous rate; and if we cannot return to our old mutual [S]

hospitalities towards each other, a very few years will shew us a most formidable hostile marine, ready to join hands with any of our enemies. There is scarcely a port in Europe, which does not give harbour to their privateers. Their captures upon our trade has been to the amount of some millions, for we have more to lose than they have. The American cause gives a mask for all the nations in the world, under American colours, to plunder the British trade, which we experience every day, to our severe cost. The assistance they receive from all European powers is too notorious to be any longer denied. Under all these gloomy prospects, let me once more entreat the landed gentlemen to cast about for some line of restoring peace, and a perpetual alliance in friendship, between this country and America.

My object, in every thing that I have laid before the House, upon former occasions, upon the plan of conciliation, has been, if possible, to restore the old system of things, under which peace, prosperity and friendship have flourished. That system has passed away, when we knew not the value of it, I fear, never to return; indeed, now I think it by no means eligible, that the old system should return. A federal alliance, which may have the principles of duration in it, is in my poor opinion, at this time, the only safe plan. After what has passed between the two nations, and our having put the Americans to feel those powers within themselves, which they were ignorant of before, any other plan of oppressive superiority, and national claims of dominion, will only lay in store materials for some future civil war, even if the decision could be suspended by some temporary advantages on our side for the present. If I could have advised the councils of this nation some time ago, it should not have been to have pressed forward the decision of such touchy points by any needless anticipation. If I were now to presume to give a word of advice, it should be to follow the natural course of things, according to the true and unalterable principles of equal liberty and social happiness to all mankind. Give to your colonies the perfect inheritance of freedom, while you can say, that you have any thing left in your power to give. Upon these principles, I have drawn up a motion, in the shape of an Address to the King, for the peaceable settlement of the troubles in America. I do

not know, that I shall actually offer the motion to the House, because I am not sure that it would stand any chance of a good reception as yet; but I will venture to prophesy, that the principles of a federal alliance are the only terms of peace that ever will, and that ever ought to obtain between the two countries. If the House are not yet ready to receive such as I conceive to be the only true principles of freedom, I shall not obtrude the motion upon them; I shall only desire to avow such principles, and none others, to be mine. In the drawing of the motion, I have incorporated the arguments with the proposition itself, that it may remain a protest on my part, against the principles of those measures which are now pursuing. I have drawn it up as follows:

"To the King. Your faithful Com

mons have taken into their most serious consideration, the very alarming state of this nation, from the present unhappy disputes with the American colonies, and are most heartily desirous, according to the example of their ancestors, to encourage, support, and maintain, the true principles of liberty, and through them to establish peace and prosperity throughout every part of your Majesty's dominions. We cannot but express our fears, that in the present unhappy disputes, your Majesty has been much misinformed, as to the true state of America, by ignorant, and, perhaps, ill-intentioned informers, who have represented to your Majesty, that the disturbances there were excited by a few individuals only, but that the general sense of the continent of America was totally averse to them, and ready to submit, if but a few troops (with some degree of countenance from this country) were to be sent over. Your faithful Commons therefore finding from the subsequent events, such informations to have been groundless and delusive, are led to suspect, that the causes likewise of the disturbances may have more serious and deep foundations than have been represented. They are, moreover, led upon this occasion to consider, that all good government is established for the safety and content of the people, as expressed by the general voice, and common consent, of the members of any community; and that, whatever superintending power or controul a parent-state may be entitled to, in the infancy of any colony, as for the common good of any such colony in its infancy; yet that the ulti

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