nies in rebellion, and pledging itself and the nation to all the consequences of an American war; it is extremely probable, that he would reason precisely as he did with me, and determine accordingly. He would think, that America had as good a right to pay taxes as Britain. He would think, as we had the power, so we ought to employ it, to enforce what appeared to him to be fair and equitable; and when the measures of enforcing obedience to our tax-laws were resisted, and attended with great difficulty in the execution, threatening an impossibility of success, and that heavy burdens were to be incurred in support of this war, he would probably wish for peace; but yet be tempted to go on sooner than forego the attainment of the grand object he first had in view, namely, alleviating his old and new burdens. Such, my lords, is, I believe, the case with many who compose the majority of the other House. They have been amused and misled by ministers. Many of them will, I dare say, continue to be misled; but if, in the first place, they were convinced of the unconstitutional ground of the claim, and of the utter impracticability of enforcing it, they would never have pledged themselves to the support of a system of measures so full of folly, oppression and injustice. This, I will venture to maintain, is a just picture of great part of the majority which composes the other House. They have had a specious tale told them. They believed it. They formed their judgments on the information of those who had an interest in deceiving them, without once bringing the matter fairly home to themselves, without once recollecting, that they were the representatives of others, as well as the disposers of their own property; and that no man, according to the most familiar reasoning, except where partiality, prejudice and self-interest arbitrarily creates the distinction, can be constitutionally bound, but by assenting in his own person, or by some other mode of assent, actual or implied. His lordship entered into several definitions of the true constitutional connection and political relation subsisting between the colonies and the parent state; declared his sentiments relative to the dependency of America on this country; protested that he was thoroughly convinced, that that subordinete state would be as beneficial to the former as the latter, the great foundation of which was the Act of Navigation, Notwithstanding all

that had happened, he believed in his conscience, that such a connection and dependance, as he now pointed out, might be permanently established between both countries, were our public councils conducted with wisdom and unanimity; and concluded with some very pointed observations on the conduct of administration relative to the only one step they had taken to induce America to negociate, which was the famous Resolutions moved by the minister in the other House, on the grounds of the petition presented by the council and house of assembly of the province of Nova Scotia. On the whole, if any treaty should be opened by the present set of ministers, or any succeeding administration, he put in his protest against any proposition whatever, which might directly or indirectly tend to negociate away the Act of Navigation; for in his opinion, it was the only true constitutional cement between both countries; and whatever minister dared to hazard such an experiment, would deserve to be impeached, and ought to be made amenable to the justice of his country.

Lord Cardiff said, he had received a letter that day from an officer in general Howe's army, in which the writer, after stating the precarious situation of their army, and the very equivocal character of their successes, says, in very emphatical terms (describing the troops of the enemy) that general Washington's is now a respectable army. His lordship utterly condemned the absurd opinions thrown out in both Houses, of the Americans being a nation of poltroons and cowards. Can we, said he, suppose it comes by breed, when they are the descendants of ourselves? Can it be the consequence of their climate? If it is, the cause must affect our troops likewise; in short, it is an opinion equally betraying a total ignorance of the general condition of mankind. The Americans were no otherwise inferior to our troops, than as irregular troops are always inferior to troops more disciplined. If France continued to supply them with officers, and their own officers were continually improving in military knowledge, there was no reason why their army should not become as regular as any army in Europe. It was in vain to hope for any decisive victory, while they continued the policy of keeping up a defensive war, and avoiding a general action. That with respect to this country, we were in a situation of difficulty and danger, which

we had never experienced before; that our national debt had risen to a height above the speculations of all former financiers, with a certainty of its being still further increased; and that our land-tax was at 4s. in the pound, without a prospect of its being ever diminished. That in this situation, without a force fit to be named, either in England or Ireland, we were on the eve of a war with France and Spain. That the honour of this country could no longer brook the insults she was daily receiving from every European power. Lastly, that it was the nature of the people of this country to be slow in their resentments, but that if this war did not end gloriously, the vengeance of the country would be roused at last, and overtake the authors of the present measures. He concluded with saying, that so necessary were vigorous measures become, that he must support the present administration, and therefore should vote for the previous question. The Earl of Galloway rose next, but was awed, as he said, with the dignity of the assembly, and therefore begged leave to deliver his thoughts in writing. The purport of his manuscript was to signify that he concurred with the noble lord who had put the previous question, but only wished that administration could devise some more acceptable means of raising the present necessary supplies, than by the imposition of fresh taxes upon the poor, that the burden might fall more particularly upon the rich, among whom he ranked himself. God had blessed him with an ample fortune and numerous family; yet such were his ideas of the justice of the American war, and the necessity of prosecuting it to a prosperous issue, that as an individual he would assist with his whole fortune, sooner than agree to a surrender of the supreme right of this country over all its dependencies. He would sooner part with that fortune which was the natural expectation of his offspring, in maintaining the rights of the empire, which he looked upon to be still a superior obligation to every other, howsoever much it might press upon him in any tender duty or relation.

The Duke of Manchester charged lord Cardiff with inconsistency, declaring, that he had shewn the American war to be impracticable as to any good purpose, and yet advised administration to continue it with all possible exertion. His grace particularly complained of the ministry's withholding every species of necessary inform

ation from parliament. His grace drew a parallel between the probable fate of Britain, and that of the Athenian commonwealth, respecting their Sicilian colonies. He said, the oppression which Athens exercised over its colonies, in the island of Sicily, having caused the revolt of the Sicilians, the Sicilians, obediently and friendly inclined, petitioned, and at length remonstrated, but all to no purpose; they must be subdued. Armies were sent from Athens; they met with difficulties; they were defeated. New levies were made; still victory declared in favour of those who were fighting for what they deemed their rights. The Athenian arms were unsuc cessful. At this critical period arose a great popular speaker, who was likewise a soldier! (adverting to the conduct of Nicias and Alcibiades). He made speeches; he proved the justice of the war; he prophesied success; he got the command of the army. What was the issue? The army was cut off; he fell himself; Sicily was lost; Athens was drained, exhausted, and weakened; she became a prey to her ambitious neighbour, the state of Sparta. The pride, and power, and military glory of Athens was no more, her rival Sparta gave her laws, armies, protection, and legislators; and such was the fate of that once glorious republic. The people of this country had been spirited up in a similar manner; they had been deluded and imposed upon by specious tales and inflammatory speeches. Mr. Burgoyne's blind efforts to penetrate through Canada, were like the land-march of the Athenian generals towards Syracuse. They were equally brave, but their plans being both unjust and wanting wisdom, their fortitude were unjustifiable; and he was very apprehensive, from similitude of circumstances, that the issue would be precisely the same; that of certain ruin and destruction falling on the head of the aggressor.

Viscount Townshend said, the two cases were by no means similar. Athens was a naval power; while her fleet was triumphant, she had nothing to fear from her foreign foes or rebellious colonies; the fact was, that her fleet was destroyed, before the disaster on land happened. That was not the case with Great Britain. Our fleet was entire and truly formidable, and more than equal to the task of coping with, if not annihilating, any naval force, which all Europe and America, leagued together, could possibly bring against us.

The Duke of Richmond observed, that

this was not a national calamity of the common sort, it was of that greater kind that menaced our political destruction, for general Howe was himself at present, according to his information, in no very agreeable situation, and he had no resource but in himself. What was still worse, England itself was left defenceless, and we might be ruined for want of that security which general Howe's army might afford us. The present calamity had been compared to that of Brihuega, under the conduct of general Stanhope; but there was no similitude; 2 or 3,000 men that were sent only as a detachment, and from unlucky circumstances, were involved in unforeseen and unexpected distress; but the very next day the remainder of the army gained a most glorious and complete victory. This, he said, was something quite different from the present case, when 10,000 men were given to a kind of premeditated destruction, by the imprudence, and obstinate absurdity of the conductors. But this instance had a further application to the present debate, which had not been observed; as soon as the queen received the news of this defeat, though not communicated in the form of official information, she sent to have it told to the Houses of Parliament; as her advisers, and her proper counsellors, she let them participate in the very earliest account, that thereby she might indicate her confidence in them, and procure the most early and expedient relief. Let our armies be brought home, let England be first provided for; let us secure our internal safety and felicity, before we extend our ambi. tion to such savage conquests. General Burgoyne had been applauded for humanity; he was far from wishing to throw so disagreeable a stigma on any character as that of cruelty; but he was well convinced from authentic information, that he, or his army, had been contaminated from the contact of Indian savages serving with them as fellow-soldiers in the field, and associating with them in other scenes of familiarity and intimacy. This, he said, was the cursed effect of associating Christians with savages.

As we could not expect to conquer America, we should seriously turn our thoughts to the home defence. The army under general Howe should be recalled. It was the only army we had to defend this country. France and Spain were vigilant, and only waited for an opportunity to wreak certain vengeance on us. Should

they take advantage of our calamities, it was not in the power of human foresight to predict the fatal consequences which might ensue; and he might add, without reserve, that if a change of measures were not adopted, the ruin of this country was inevitable. It had been the paltry narrow-minded policy of the court to di vide the friends of liberty, to destroy political principle under the pretext of abolishing the odious distinctions of party. The attempt had proved but too successful. Small, indeed, was the number of men who hung together, yet the time would come when the nation at large would join them. That moment ought soon to arrive, for perilous was the situa tion of our country. From whence were we to obtain troops? The shambles of Germany could yield no more. On every principle therefore of national defence, though the American war were founded in justice, if the argument, of policy had any weight, the instructions called for ought to be given, that parliament and the nation might be enabled to judge of the capacity of those men to whom it had intrusted its dearest interests. In reply to the arguments, that the Indians had been found useful, his grace contended, that exactly the contrary was the case; for that employing of the savages was the very cause of Mr. Burgoyne's defeat. That their cruelties had excited the whole country, men, women and children, to rise upon the British army, and come upon them with staves, pitch-forks, &c. and endeavour to destroy them.

His grace entreated administration to recollect, that we had now no other army but that in Pennsylvania and New York island, and declared he trembled for Great Britain, while that army was on the other side the Atlantic. His grace drew a comparison between the state of men's minds now, and at the time when the noble earl, who made the motion, was prosecuting the last war with so much vigour and success. The noble earl, before he attempted to make the great efforts which produced such abundant glory and honour to this country, had united all men's minds at home, and having the sense of the nation with him, he had, with the greatest ease, put in practice his various endeavours to serve his country; the cause was general; all men, the army as well as the navy, felt it to be so, and thence the happy events of that glorious war. Was this the case now? There was not only

a difference of opinion in parliament, but a dissention in the cabinet; even the ministry were not of one mind. His grace desired their lordships to recollect, that the question no longer was, how they were to reduce America, but whether they could reduce America. In his idea the war was not more impolitic than impracticable, and instead of sitting in debate, how to carry it on with success, it more materially behoved their lordships to consider how they could put a speedy period to it.

The Earl of Fauconberg supported the previous question, arguing, that in point of delicacy to Mr. Burgoyne, it was wrong to begin the enquiry in his absence. His lordship took pains to rescue Mr. Burgoyne from the charge of inhumanity, shewing, that he endeavoured as much as possible to restrain the fury of the Indians, and prevent them from perpetrating acts of cruelty.

The House then divided on the earl of Chatham's motion: Contents 19: Not Contents 40.

The Earl of Chatham next moved for, "Copies of all Orders and Instructions to lieut. general Burgoyne, for employing any of the Indian savage nations against the inhabitants of the British colonies in North America."

The Earl of Abingdon supported the motion. He said, the war had commenced in tyranny and injustice, and had been conducted upon principles of the most savage cruelty. He called upon lord Amherst to declare what he knew of the matter, as the fact in dispute had been so frequently referred to his decision.

Earl Gower could not avoid mentioning one thing, which was, the wonderful inconsistency in the conduct of the noble mover. In a previous debate the noble earl had acknowledged, that Indians were employed in the King's service in America during his administration, and now he reprehended the practice as derogatory from the honour of the nation.

The Earl of Chatham rose, and reproached the noble lord with petulance and malignant misrepresentation. The observation he made in the debate alluded to was, that Indians had, indeed, crept into the service from the utility the officers found them of in several of their enterprises, but that their employment had never been sanctioned by him in his official capacity; he believed his Majesty had too much regard for the military dignity

of his people, and also too much humanity to have agreed to such a proposal had it been made to him. This remark of the noble lord's was therefore a mere quibble, a misapplication of terms and meaning. What right had the noble lord to comment on political proceedings? Where was he when these transactions were conducting? He was immersed in pleasure, and indulging himself in all the variety of dissipation that young noblemen are too apt to devote themselves to. He was here called to order he did not sit down, but, changing his subject, he called upon the noble lord who had conducted the expedition, to explain to the House, whether or no any such instructions were contained in the orders that he, during that war, received officially from him.

Earl Gower, after returning the asperities of the noble earl, declared, that nothing should prevent his speaking his mind freely. That he despised the conduct of those lords who affected great humility in the very moment when they were throwing out insinuations, the most illiberal, the most unmanly, and the most untrue. He was a plain man, and he ever used plain arguments. He was therefore free to repeat, that the noble earl had himself, while at the head of administration last war, not only employed Indians, but employed them under instructions and treaties of the most sanguinary tendency; and in order to shew that this assertion was not made merely to catch the public, and serve the purpose of temporary delusion, he would prove what he had said by producing from the Journals of the House, one of those treaties, which breathed the spirit of cruelty in a greater degree than any instructions which government had sent out to the commanders in America, since the present unhappy war had commenced. While his lordship was searching for this treaty, a strange confused altercation took place, which, however, was put an end to by reading the extract, which was a treaty with an Indian nation, one condition of which was, that they should kill and scalp every Frenchman who came within their country. Though the French were then at war with us, he presumed, the noble earl, nor no lord present would say, that they were more hostile to us than our rebellious subjects. His lordship added, that the tribe of Indians alluded to were situated on the back of South Carolina. He believed it was during the government of Mr. Lyttelton.