Every expedient for providing a revenue adequate to the demands of the state had failed. The assignats being depreciated to a very trifling value, another description of paper currency was issued under the name of rescriptions. This expedient having in some degree shared the same fate with the former, they made a further issue to the amount of 240,000,000 of livres, (£10,000,000) under the name of mandates, upon the security of the lands forfeited to the state, and taken from the church and monasteries, or on the money accruing from their sale. That the measure might be rendered more beneficial, the government of the Austrian Netherlands was at this time required to pass a decree for the sale of the monastic estates in those provinces. By this expedient and by new taxes, they supplied the vast deficiency in the revenue of the current year, which had increased to the sum of £25,000, 000, while the expenditure was not less than double that amount.

The execution of Stofflet and Charette, and the consequent termination of the war in La Vendée, had excited the most reasonable expectations in the allies of France, that, having subdued her domestic enemies, and thus obtained the means of directing her exclusive attention to foreign objects, she would be enabled to perform her liberal promises, and promote the general benefit of her political friends. But her efforts were enfeebled by the pressure of pecuniary embarrassment. The protection of the Dutch trade and settlements, if not an express stipulation, was an implied condition on which the states so willingly submitted to France. How bitter then must have been their mortification and resentment, when they saw their most valuable interests sacrificed to the spirit of military enterprise! They were first deprived of their independence, and then stripped of those sources of wealth on which their political importance had been founded. But these were only a part of the disasters with which the government was reduced to struggle. While Europe resounded with the achievements of the French arms, the kingdom was a scene of

intestine ferment, and the government was distressed by the enemies of the present system, or by the individuals who aspired to the power enjoyed by the existing administration. The zealous friends of the Romish faith and the antient monarchy, were of the former description: the con. stitutionalists, though not so rancorous in their enmity to the republicans, would gladly have assisted in the restoration of a moderate, well-constituted monarchy; and they were daily augmented in number by the most respectable of the middle classes, who were ardently desirous of that tranquillity and good order which they despaired of enjoying in the present fluctuating state of domestic affairs.

But the most numerous and dangerous body of opponents were the Jacobins. These advocates of terrorism who were incensed at observing the preference given to the moderatists, in every state appointment, revenged themselves by exciting a spirit of disaffection, and exerting all their influence to render the prevailing party in the directory and the convention, odious to the nation, by representing them as apos tates from those democratic principles on which the republic was founded. The Jacobins were now become so formidable, that the government found it necessary to adopt the strong measure of suppressing their assemblies, and enacted a law making it a capital crime to hold seditious meetings or to attempt the re-establishment of the constitution under which Robespierre had exercised his tyranny. They dismissed some of the faction from their offices, and ordered others to leave the capital. As a further precaution, they sent the troops then at Paris, who were ardently attached to the Jacobins, to the several regiments from which they had been drafted for the defence of the convention.

These proceedings still further exasperated, the animosity of the Jacobins. Enraged at their exclusion from power, they formed a conspiracy the most horrible in its nature and extent, that ever entered the mind of man. The chief conspirators were a person named Bebeuf, who assumed the name of Gracchus, Dreuct, the post

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master, who stopped the king's carriage at Varennes, Rossignol, for some time commander of the republican army in La Vendée, and three others who had enjoyed the confidence of Robespierre. Their design, which was to have been executed on the 11th of May, was to have massacred the directory, the councils, the field-officers of the Parisian militia, and the magistracy of the capital. This conspiracy, though conducted with the utmost secresy, was happily discovered by Cochon, the minister of police. Bebeuf was in consequence sentenced to death and executed: the other conspirators escaped from prison.

The terrorist faction was thus once more defeated in its views, and almost annihilated. But the influence of their indefatigable exertions in cherishing sedition, soon appeared in the tumults which happened at Marseilles. The Jacobins made an attempt to establish their ascendancy in that city at the election of magistrates. When the citizens on the the 19th of July were convened for that purpose, their partizans appeared among the populace armed with a variety of weapons. Some of them, with all the ferocity which had marked the frantic agents of the revolution, ran through the city, exclaiming, "Live the Mountain, and the constitution of 1793" others rushed into the hall of election, drove the citizens thence, and murdered all who opposed them. This tumult appears to have been raised without any digested plan, and was easily suppressed; nor would it have been noticed but as an additional proof of national character, concurring with a multitude of similar events, to demonstrate the expedience in such a nation and so extensive a country, of a government invested with all the authority and power, not entirely incompatible with freedom.

The affairs of Russia during the present year, demand from their future corection with the most important events, the peculiar attention of the historian. Since the partition of Poland, every acquisition of territory seemed only to increase the empress Catharine's insatiable passion for dominion. The situation of Courland,

and the wretched state of the country under the sovereignty of its dependent dukes, afforded a plausible excuse for annexing it to her empire; and, having accomplished this favorite and important object, she directed all her efforts to the acquisition of the Persian provinces on the Caspian She discovered a pretext for her intended conquest, in advocating the cause of Lolf-Ali-Khan, a descendant of the race of Sophis, against Aga Mahmed, the present possessor. After endeavouring in vain to engage the grand seignior in the war, the empress dispatched Valerian Zubof with an army into Daghestan. That general made an easy conquest of Derbent; but, when Aga Mahmed was informed of his invasion, he marched to oppose him, and gained a victory, which obliged the Russians to take refuge in the conquered fortress.

While Catharine was preparing to send a stronger force for the prosecution of her design in this quarter, her attention was engaged by an affair of a different nature, the success of which she had much at heart. Since the success of Gustavus, king of Sweden, it had been one of the chief objects of her intrigues to supplant the regent duke of Sudermania, and to avail herself of the young king's minority to render Sweden again subject to her ascendancy. Every artifice was tried that might effect her purpose. The consummate address and engaging manners of count Stockleburg, who had been so successfully employed as her agent in Poland, were exerted in the capacity of her ambassador at Stockholm, to gain the affections of the king as the foundation of the plot, and a negotiation was commenced for a marriage between Gustavus and the. grand duchess Alexandra, grand-daughter to the empress.

Insurmountable obstructions appeared at first to oppose the accomplishment of her wishes. The regent was known to entertain an aversion to Catharine from his experience of her enmity; and the king, then in his 18th year, had been formally betrothed to a princess of Mecklenburg. But, to the astonishment of all who were acquainted

with the state of the Swedish court, the regent's aversion to Catharine was overcome or repressed, the proposed marriage with the princess of Mecklenburg was set aside, and the regent and Gustavus accepted the invitation of the empress to visit her court. On their arrival at St. Petersburg, they were received with every demonstration of respect, and with all the pleasing attentions which Catharine was accustomed to pay to those whose favor she was anxious to conciliate. Gustavus was introduced to the princess, and was charmed with her manners, her person, and her accomplishments. The court of St. Petersburg, during several weeks, became the scene of splendid festivity. The affair was apparently in a prosperous train, when Catharine defeated her own purpose by a stroke of refinement, of which the consequences were directly opposite to those intended. The Swedish ambassador having demanded the princess in marriage for his sovereign, a day was appointed on which they were to be solemnly betrothed at a public audience.

On the day appointed, the empress and her court were assembled in the state apartment, and the archduchess made her appearance decorated as a bride, in the full assurance of her approaching nuptials. But neither the prince nor the regent appeared, and the air of joyful expectation which every countenance had worn, was exchanged for that of chagrin and disappointment. The occasion of this circumstance was of a nature so trivial, that in this instance at least, Catharine must have lost her usual sagacity. In the marriage articles drawn up by the Russian ministers, Zubof and Markof, Catharine, perceiving that the king was captivated by the princess, and calculating on the impression which she had already made on his heart, ordered it to be inserted, without previous information, that the princess, who was of the Greek church, should have her private chapel and her clergy in the royal palace. These stipulations being brought to Gustavus about an hour before the solemnization, he refused his consent to VOL. I

them; observing that he would lay no restraint on the conscience of the princess, but that he could not allow her either a chapel or priests in the palace. He was urged and entreated to consent, and the courtiers, who entered his presence with repeated messages from Catharine, represented the insult which he offered to the princess by his refusal, and the rupture which must inevitably ensue between the two courts. But Gustavus withstood their importunities. And when he at last discovered that he could not evade the obnoxious condition, he gave his final answer, "I cannot, I will not sign them,” and retired to his own apartment.

The king remained some days longer at St. Petersburg, and conferences were held with him and the regent by the Russian minister, in hopes of obtaining his consent. But he continued immoveable, declaring at the same time," that as he could not grant what the empress desired, according to the laws of Sweden, he would refer the matter to the different estates that would be assembled on his arrival at the age of manhood, and, if they consented to have a queen of the Greek religion, he would send for the princess." Such was the result of an affair in which every one sympathized with the grief of the princess, which she was too ingenuous to, conceal, and all agreed in blaming the empress and her ministers, for sacrificing to a trivial and absurd demand, the happiness of a favored and amiable relative.

Catharine was extremely mortified by the unpleasant result of a negotiation to which all her wishes and exertions had been devoted. She did not long survive the disappointment. Her health had been for some time declining, and the fatigue of attending the entertainments given in honour of the Swedish monarch, was supposed to have hastened her death, which occurred about six weeks after his departure. In the evening of the 4th of November, she was at a private party, and appeared with her usual cheerfulness. The next morning she transacted business of state with her secretaries, after which she was left alone

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in her apartment. And when an attendant who was ordered to wait in the anti-chamber, growing uneasy at not being called for, returned to her apartment, he found her prostrate on the floor. Her physician caused her to be bled. By that and other medical means life was protracted, but without sense or speech, and thirty-seven hours after her seizure, she expired in her sixty-eighth year.

There appears to be little difference of opinion respecting the character of this illustrious princess. In familiar life no one approached her without being charmed by her courteous manners, and the cheerful gaiety of her conversation; and, when she assumed the empress, the graceful dignity and the decorous stateliness of her deportment commanded involuntary respect. She combined the amiable graces of the female character with a vigor of understanding that were adequate to the exigencies of her high station, In her public conduct there was much to admire and nruch to condemn. Magnanimity was one of the most striking features of her character, but it was accompanied with an excessive love of fame and thirst of dominion. She frequently aspired to some object which was beyond her reach, or which she could not obtain without sacrificing the feelings of humanity or violating the laws of justice and of nations. We cannot but admire the splendor which distinguished her reign, the magnificence of her public works and institutions, and her patronage of the sciences and letters: but we must condemn the profusion with which she lavished the public money on her favorites, and the unmerited confidence placed in her ministers, and the inattention to civil affairs, which gave rise to enormous abuses in every branch of government, particularly that of finance. In the course of her reign she expended £50,000,000 upon the pandars to her licentious pleasures. Her constancy in adversity and the fortitude with which she confronted danger, demand our admiration; and we are pleased with the liberality and beneficence which she discovered towards those who came within the sphere of her personal

notice But the remembrance of all her amiable qualities has been obliterated by the contemplation of her injustice to Poland, and her atrocities in the Crimea, which will long survive the recollection of her virtues, and expose her name to the abhorrence and execration of posterity.

In England the new parliament met on the 6th of October; and his majesty informed the houses that he had omitted no endeavours for setting on foot negotiations to restore peace to Europe, and to secure for the future the general tranquillity. But nothing (he observed) could contribute so effectually to this end, as to manifest that we possessed both the determination and resources to oppose, with increased activity and energy, the farther efforts with which we might have to contend. On the general propriety of a negotiation, there was a division of opinion between those who had promoted the war and supported its continuance. I have already stated, that' Mr. Burke, in inculcating hostility against revolutionary France, chose different grounds from ministers. In the progress of the war he had adhered to his original opinion, that the restoration of monarchy and the antient orders, under certain modifications, ought to be the sole and avowed purpose of the war; and that no peace could be secure until that object was effected. Under that impression, he wrote his "Thoughts on a Regicide Peace," intended to prove, that the system of France was impious, enormously wicked, and destructive to all who were within its sphere: we must either conquer the revolution, or be destroyed ourselves: peace would enable it to operate rapidly to our ruin: let us, therefore, avoid peace. Earl Fitzwilliam, the intimate friend of Mr. Burke, in a considerable degree adopted these opinions, and reprobated negotiation. To restore order (he said ;) to defend the civilized states of Europe against the danger that threatened them; to protect persons and property from a fatal devastation, and suppress the tendency of innovating and pernicious doctrines; were the ostensible objects of the war, and upon these principles they had

supported its continuance. If it were wise to negotiate now, the same wisdom ought to have been manifested four years ago; for the causes of war, which then existed, still operated with equal force, and proved the necessity of perseverance in hostility to the French system. Ministers declared they had never stated, that the existence of a republic in France was an insurmountable bar to peace: they had expressed what they still believed, that the best issue to the contest would be, the re-establishment of monarchy in France; yet they had never pledged themselves, much less the parliament, to an opinion so extravagant, as that without the attainment of this object there was no hope or possibility of peace. They were always resolved to seek peace with France, whenever it was attainable with SECURITY. The French government now appeared to have some tendency to moderation; our own country was very much improved in point of tranquillity, which might be chiefly imputed to the wise laws against sedition and treason that had been enacted in the last session. Those who had always reprobated the war, expressed their hearty approbation of the declared intention to negotiate. Judging, however, (they said) from the conduct, and not from the profession of ministers, they did not give them full credit for sincerity. Mr. Pitt strongly represented, that the surest way of obtaining favorable conditions of peace, was to be prepared for war; and exhibited a very flattering account of the flourishing condition of the country, and the extent of her resources, which were increased beyond all former calculations or hopes.

A clause in his majesty's speech had declared the king's apprehension that the enemy were preparing an invasion upon this island. Mr. Pitt very early in the session recommended adoption of measures for repelling the designed, as well as future attempts. For this purpose he formed a plan for levying 15,000 men from the different parishes for the sea service, and another for recruiting the regular regiments. In the projected levies for the land service, he considered two objects; first, the means of

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calling together a land force sufficient of itself to repel an invasion, even independently of our naval armaments; and, secondly, (to adopt such measures in the levies as should not materially interfere with the agriculture, commerce, general industry of this kingdom. The primary object was to raise, and gradually train, such a force as might in a short time be fit for service. For this purpose he proposed a supplementary levy of militia, to be grafted on the old establishment, of the number of 60,000 men; not to be immediately called out, but to be enrolled, officered, and completely trained, so as to be fit for service at a moment of danger. He also proposed to provide a considerable force of irregular cavalry, to be levied in the following manner: every person who kept ten horses, should be obliged to provide one horse, and one horseman, to serve in a corps of militia; and those whokept more than ten, should provide in the same proportion; and that those that kept fewer than ten, were to form themselves into classes, in which it should be decided by ballot, who, at the common expense, should provide the horse and the horseman these troops were to be furnished with uniform and accoutrements, arranged into corps, and put under proper officers.. The whole number of cavalry proposed to be raised by this mode was 20,000: theother supplemental troops amounted to 75,000 men. Among the means proposed for internal defence, a bill was introduced by Mr. Dundas, for raising and embodying a militia in Scotland, and an act for that purpose was passed without opposition. The whole land forces of the country, intended for the year 1797, were to consist of 195,694; and the navy was to amount to 120,000 men. The pecuniary supplies of the year were 31,000,000 borrowed,, besides the annual income.

Mr. Pitt still continued to display great financial skill in exempting the very lower class from the severest pressure of the new taxes, though the principal part bore very heavily on the comforts and accomodations of the middlaug ranks; the fresh imposts. were upon tea, coffee, spirits, sugars, and