late events, without being satisfied of the emperor's insincerity, and the tame and procrastinating conduct, or rather pusil lanimity, of the executive directory. By the first article, his majesty consented, that the boundaries of the French republic should extend to the Rhine; and engaged to use his influence, that, by the peace to be concluded with the German empire, she should retain that line as her boundary. But if, notwithstanding his mediation, the Germanic body should refuse to consent to the boundary line of the republic, as regulated by this convention, he formally engaged to furnish to the empire no more than his contingent, which should not be employed in any fortified place, or otherwise it should be considered as a rupture of the peace and friendship re-established between Austria and France.

It was stipulated by the second article, that the emperor should employ his good offices, in the ensuing negotiation, to obtain, -1. That the navigation of the Rhine, from Huningen to the territory of Holland, should be free both to the French republic, and the states of the the empire on the right bank; 2. That the possessors of territory, near the mouth of the Moselle, should at no time, and on no pretence, attempt to interrupt the free navigation and passage of vessels from the Moselle into the Rhine; and, 3. That the republic should have the free navigation of the Meuse; and the tolls, and other imposts from Venloo to Holland be abolished. His majesty renounced the sovereignty and possession of the country of Falkenstein and its dependencies; and, it was agreed, that the countries taken possession of by Austria, in consequence of the sixth article of the public definitive treaty, should be considered as an indemnification for the territory given up, by the seventh article of that treaty, and by this clause. This stipulation, however, was only to be in force, when the imperial troops should occupy the countries ceded by these articles. The republic pledged herself to employ her influence, that the emperor should receive the archbishopric of Saltzburg, and that part of the circle of Bavaria, lying

between the archbishopric, the rivers Inn and Saltz, and the Tyrol, including the town of Wasserburg on the right bank of the Inn. His majesty consented to give up to France, at the conclusion of the peace with the empire, the sovereignty and possession of the Frickthal, and all the. territory belonging to the house of Austria. on the left bank of the Rhine, between Zurzach and Basle, provided his majesty received a proportionate indemnification. It was, moreover, stipulated, that in conquence of particular arrangements to be afterwards made, this territory should be united with the Helvetic republic, without farther interference on the part of his majesty or the empire.

The seventh article purported, that if France should make an acquisition in Germany by the ensuing peace with the empire, his imperial majesty should receive an equivalent; and if his majesty should make an acquisition, the republic should, in like manner, receive an equivalent. The prince of Nassau-Dietz, late stadtholder of Holland, was to receive a territorial indemnification, but not in the vicinity of the Austrian possessions, nor in that of the Batavian republic. Although France made no difficulty in restoring to the king. of Prussia his possessions on the left bank of the Rhine, it was agreed that no new acquisition should be proposed for his Prussian majesty, and this stipulation the two contracting powers mutually guaranteed ;-but in case he should consent to cede, to the French and Batavian republics, some small parts of his territory on the. left bank of the Meuse, the emperor was to use his influence, that such cessions should be accepted and rendered valid by the Germanic body. His imperial majesty, by the eleventh article, pledged himself not to object to the manner in which the imperial fiefs had been disposed of by France in favor of the Ligurian republic,, and to use his influence, that the diet of the empire should renounce all feudal. sovereignty over the countries making part of the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics, as also over the imperial fiefs lying between Tuscany, the states of Parma, the Ligurian.

and Lucchese republics, and the adjacent points of the Modenese territory, which liefs now make part of the Cisalpine republic. The two contracting powers were to employ, in concert, their influence in the course of the negotiation with the empire, that the electors of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, the elector Palatine of Bavaria, the duke of Wurtemburg and Teck, the margrave of Baden, the duke of Deux Ponts, the landgraves of Hesse Cassel and Darmstadt, and the other princes and states of the empire, who should suffer any loss of territory or rights, in consequence of the stipulations in this convention, or in consequence of the treaty to be concluded with the empire, should receive propor tionable indemnifications in Germany, to be settled by mutual agreement. It was stipulated, that the imperial troops should evacuate the towns and fortresses of Mentz, Ehrenbreitstein, Philipsburg, Manheim, Koenigstein, Ulm, Ingolstadt, and, int and, in general, the whole territory of the empire to the boundaries of the hereditary states, within twenty days after the exchange of the ratifications. And lastly, it was agreed that these secret articles should have the same force as if inserted in the public treaty of peace, and be ratified at the same time by the two contracting powers, the ratifications to be exchanged at Rastadt.

but

It was not without surprise, that the world beheld the antient state of Venice obliterated from the register of independent nations by the concert of two irreconcile able foes. A numerous party of the Ve netian people were known to be dissatisfied with the abolition, of aristocracy; as the provisional government had now existed for several months, it was never suspected, that the executive directory, in their eagerness to terminate a continental war, would consent to the extinction of a new-born republic, and sacrifice it as the boon of peace. Buonaparte, however, behoved to follow his instructions; and per haps the directory felt, that the repugnance of the Venetians to the reception of de mocratic freedom would require too great a number of troops to enforce obedience. France had done enough for glory; she

had secured her own independence, and established the Ligurian and Cisalpine republics; and, perhaps, the extension of her limits required a proportionate enlarge. ment of the Austrian territories, in order to preserve the real or imaginary balance of power in Europe.

Thus terminated the Herculean labours of general Buonaparte in Italy; and the first deduction, arising from a review of the complicated and multitudinous transactions of the campaign, and the boldness and activity of his measures, is, that Italy was conquered, and Austria vanquished, chiefly by the power of his genius, and the novelty of his tactics. Feebly supported by his country, whose necessities did not allow her to send the necessary reinforce ments to his army, he supplied every deficiency by his talents. The struggle was honourable even to the enemy; the Austrian soldiers fought with desperate valor; and the exertions of his imperial majesty, in pouring five successive armies into Italy, exceeded the most sanguine expectations of his friends. After rivalling Hannibal in Europe, the French general, even at this early period, was actuated by the ambition of emulating Alexander, by an oriental expedition. But brilliant as the exploits of Buonaparte were, in his Italian campaign, he must yield the palm of glory to the Carthagenian. Hannibal, after a tedious and circuitous march, scaled the Alps, and defeated the mountain nations; then descending into the plains of Italy, he destroyed four Roman armies, but neglected to advance to the capital, and seal for ever the destruction of the republic. Though far distant from his native land, abandoned by the jealous and ignominious government of Carthage, and obliged to incorporate bodies of undisciplined barbarians with his regular troops, he continued great and formidable even in his reverses. On the other hand, the vicinity of France facilitated supplies to the army of Italy, and Buonaparte, in case of a serious disaster, could easily have evacuated his conquests and fallen back to the frontiers of the republic. Such is the vicissitude of human events, that in

TH

HE friends of liberty beheld, with marked satisfaction, the abolition of the Venetian senate, and especially of the council of Ten, and of the inquisition of state. The election of fifty individuals by the suffrage of the community, with six commissaries nominated by Buonaparte, had been received with applause as one of the most equitable modes of government. It was, therefore, with great regret and indignation that the inhabitants of Venice contemplated their return beneath the dominion of Austria : a power of which they well knew the despotic maxims, and which they regarded with tenfold abhorrence, since the introduction of French principles.

In France, however, the exultation of the people at the conclusion of the treaty of Campo Formio, was general and boundless. In imitation of the precedent of former times and of the last year, calculations of the number of victories won by the French armies were pompously distributed to all the members and departments of government. and published with much splendor and solemnity in all parts of the republic. In these it was stated, that the French had been victorious in 260 engagements, thirty of them pitched battles. Upwards of 150,000 of their enemies had

been slain, and near 200,000 made prisoners. About 8000 pieces of cannon had been taken, and 180,000 muskets. These achievements had occurred within the space of three years and a half, commencing with September 1793, and ending with February 1797; since which period 25,000 of the Austrians had been killed and taken, previous to the conclusion of a definitive treaty.

While the armies of France were thus triumphant abroad, the internal peace of that country was continually disturbed by the zeal and the perverseness of the enemies to the existing government. Inflamed by resentment at the many disappointments they had experienced in their efforts to overturn it, they determined to persevere, even should they fall in the attempt, rather than desist from the execution of their design. Such still continued to be the character of that resolute party which opposed the directory and was determined to obtain, if possible, the restoration of the monarchy. blood which had been so profusely shed for the accomplishment of these objects, was considered only as a just and necessary tribute to the cause of loyalty. They were undeterred by the persecution and the sufferings to which they were subjected,

The

and acted together with a boldness that exposed them to perpetual detection. But so exemplary was their courage and firmness, that they took no care to conceal their principles; and their conduct at once provoked and gratified the enmity of their oppressors.

Among men of all classes it was not difficult to find agents and adherents to the cause of royalty. The republicans, dreading the effects of their combination, contracted on their side a rancour against the royalists, and a thirst for revenge that induced them to pry into all their actions. Those of the republican party who favored moderate measures, and who were disposed to treat their antagonists with lenity, incurred on many occasions the imputations of unsteadiness or treachery; and the nation was deeply involved in this conflict of repugnant ideas and interests, when new jealousies and apprehensions arose to add fresh fuel to the flames of reciprocal animosity. On the 12th of Pluviose, (January 31st, 1797.) the directory informed the council of Five Hundred, that a conspiracy had been formed against the republic by the brother of the late king, styling himself king of France, and that four of the principal conspirators had been arrested. According to a report of the minister of police there had been for some time individuals in Paris commissioned by that prince to correspond with his partisans in all the departments, and to organize the plan of an insurrection. After preparing their own adherents, they ventured to make application to several officers in the republican army, and tampered with Ramel, commander of the guards, and Malo, the commanding officer of a regiment of dragoons. They both pretended to acquiesce in the proposals made to them, but in formed the minister of police of the business in agitation. A place was appointed where he might hear the discourse between the officers and the commissioners. Thither he repaired, and they disclosed in his hearing the whole plan of the conspiracy, producing at the same time their papers and credentials. Duverne, Duprale, alias Dunant, Laville Harnois Brothier, and Baron Poli,

VOL. I.

were immediately seized, and separately examined. The account of their proceedings and designs communicated to the public under the name of Dunant, is so absurd, incoherent, and contradictory, that it is impossible not to suspect either him or the directory of the most extravagant forgeries. It was asserted, that, had the conspiracy succeeded, deeds of the most atrocious nature would have ensued. Lewis XVIII. was, on his accession to have issued an act of oblivion, but this was to be declared null and void by the parliament, after his possession of the throne had been firmly established. The leading members of the present legislature were to have been taken into favor, and soon as their services should be no longer necessary, were to be condemned to exemplary punishment. Other frauds and barbarities were mentioned, such as exposing La Fayette in an iron cage, and sentencing the inferior actors in the revolution, to the galleys. Dunant asserted, that, notwithstanding the assistance which the royalists expected to receive from England, Lewis XVIII. and his council had always been of opinion that her services were perfidious, and would tend to no other purpose than the ruin of France. While the conspirators were under examination before a military tribunal, the most resolute exertions were made throughout France by the emissaries of the king, who circulated an address, in which he ex pressly acknowledged that he had numer ous agents in France who were commissioned by him to urge the people to renounce the authority of the existing government. Encouraged by this decla ration, the royalists proceeded to accomplish their avowed objects by the assiduous and skilful employment of the press. They circulated appeals to the antient loyalty of the nation, addressed; exhortations and promises of reward to the military and to persons in office, and represented the republic itself as in a state of fluctuation and about to be destroyed. Their efforts were not entirely without. reward. A considerable number of the public functionaries refused to renew thei

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