assemblage were prepared to break open the door of the apartinent in which the royal family were assembled. There was stationed in the palace a sufficient force of troops of the line and of national guards to have defended it against every attack; but respect for the lives of the deluded multitude induced the king to forbear from repelling force by force. At four o'clock in the afternoon the mob amounted to about 40,000, and the gates of the Thuilleries were thrown open to them. At the moment of their entrance the royal family was at dinner, and on their attempting to break open the door of their apartment, the king rose to prevent the guards from making resistance, and said calmly, "I will go to them." On the instant that the door was opened, a pike, which had been thrust against it to force it open, would have killed the king, but a chasseur turned the weapon aside with his hand. His friends fearing that he would be borne down by the violence and rapidity of the rabble, placed him in the recess of a window where he leaned on M. Acloque, while a few grenadiers formed round him to resist the torrent. The mob was so numerous and poured in so rapidly, that no one could effect any premeditated purpose. Yet many pointed insults were offered. One of the mob advanced and insisted that the king should wear a red cap, the ensign of the Jacobins; another presented him a bottle, and desired him to drink the health of the nation. Some of the attendants offered to bring a glass, but the sovereign refused the offer, and immediately drank out of the bottle. Petion, the mayor of Paris, was unaccountably absent during these disgraceful scenes; but, arriving at the end of three hours, prevailed on the tumultuous mob to retire. Great part of the popular rage was, as usual, directed against the queen. She was stopped in the council room with the dauphin in her arms, by general Whitingof and the minister Lajarre, who formed a feeble rampart of the council table, behind which they placed the queen, the dauphin, the princess royal, and all the ladies who refused to quit her side. This table was defended by a double

line of national guards, and in that situation. the queen was obliged to remain a helpless hearer of the incendiary and obscene reproaches which men and women of the lowest class were unwearied in repeating. Marie Antoinette displayed the same contempt of danger which distinguished the king, but her fortitude was almost overpowered, when Santerre forced his way into her presence, and snatching the red or revolutionary cap which the infant dauphin had been compelled to wear, exclaimed, "The child is smothered! Why is this cap left on her head?" and then in a low but distinct voice, added to the queen," You have very awkward friends madam; I know those who would serve you much better."

These proceedings at the capital decided the fate of the marquis de la Fayette. This general, who was hated by the court as one of the chief causes of the revolution, had now incurred the aversion of the republi cans as a warm advocate of monarchy. Consistently with his ardent character, on becoming acquainted with the transactions at the Thuilleries, he hastened to the capital to protect his sovereign by his influence, and prevent the fall of royalty. Presenting himself in the hall of the National Assembly, he declared the sentiments of indignation excited in his troops by the late violences on the king's liberty and safety, and boldly demanded the maintenance of the constitution against a faction which were meditating its destruction. It was not to be expected that such an exhortationwould be received with satisfaction or indifference. After some altercation the president coolly replied to his address, that the assembly had sworn to maintain the laws, and knew how to defend them. De la Fayette then retired, and perceiving with mortification how completely he had lost his popularity, thought it expedient to leave Paris on the same night, and return to his camp. He was severely censured by the Jacobins and the Girondists, for leaving the army without permission; commissioners were sent from the assembly to arrest him; he gave orders to have the deputies apprehended, but finding no disposition in his army to afford him support,

withdrew in the night to Liege, where, falling into the hands of the enemy, and refusing to join the standard of the French princes, he was sent a prisoner to Namur. The events of the twentieth of June were an evident prelude to the downfal of monarchy. From this moment all respect to authority, all order and subordination were at an end a momentary shame indeed appeared at first to restrain the outrages of the Parisians, and the directory of the department of Paris, at the head of whom was M. Rochefoucault and the former bishop of Autun. M. Talleyrand determined to take every step for the prevention of similar outrages. The conduct on this occasion of M. Petion, could not be viewed without suspicion. One of the first steps of the department was to publish a declaration, that the events of the 20th could not have occurred had the laws in being, and particularly those relating to the public force, been better known to the citizens, and better observed by the magistrates. To this declaration M. Petion returned a very voluminous answer, calling upon them to commence a prosecution and protesting his innocence. The department next published an advertisement to the people, exhorting them to peace and subordination, and intimating that there existed a secret connection between the external and the internal foes of the public tranquillity.

On the 5th of July the king informed the assembly of his determination to celebrate the anniversary of the confederation. The approach of this festival was rendered alarming by the arrival of numerous bands of federés from the departments, who were selected from the numerous votaries of the clubs, and presented petitions of the most inflammatory and unconstitutional tendency. A plot of Santerre to murder the queen was betrayed, and the assassin arrested, but rescued by his party. The ceremony of the confederation, however, was, upon the whole, quiet and orderly. The royal family were placed in a balcony covered with crimson velvet, which gave rise to some petulant observations; but the king, having descended to take the

VOL. I.

oath on the altar instead of remaining in his place, completely gratified the populace, and he quitted the Champs de Mars amidst loud and general acclamations.

The convention had proclaimed on the first of July, that the country was in danger. "Your constitution, citizens, restores the principles of eternal justice. A league of kings is formed to destroy it. Their battalions are advancing." On the third of July the duke of Brunswick arrived at Coblentz with the first division of the Prussian army, and being joined by fresh troops in the course of the month, proceeded to commence the campaign. His serene highness, with very considerable talents, the greatest military skill, and eminent political abilities, was extremely diffident. He frequently treated inferior capacities with excessive deference, and did not maintain, with sufficient vigor, the dictates of his own excellent understanding. In concerting the plan of the campaign of 1792, he left its formation chiefly to Francis and Frederic William. These princes were impressed with an opinion naturally adopted, and studiously propagated by the emigrants, that the greater number of Frenchmen were attached to the old government, and would join the standard of monarchy if they found themselves properly supported. On this supposition they fornied the plan of the campaign. It was proposed that the duke of Brunswick should set out from Coblentz with an army, of Prussians, fifty thousand strong, and march by Treves and Luxemburg to.. Longwy. After reducing this fortress, and, if possible, that of Montmedi, the next object was to establish magazines, continue the march, and invest Verdun. The court of Vienna engaged to bring into the field two armies; the one to act between. the Rhine and the Moselle, which should be of sufficient strength to menace Landau, and Saar Lewis, and to carry on the siege. of Thionville; while the other, of much superior force, should be stationed in the. Low Countries. Their positions were to be as near the Meuse as possible. Should the expectation of a general rise in France be disappointed, the duke of Brunswick,

H

was not to cross the river with his main body, but to detach a considerable portion of his army to co-operate with the Austrians in French Hainault, in reducing Verdun, Sedan, and Meziers. By this arrangement the allies, establishing themselves upon the French frontier would be able to winter in security, and commence the following campaign with great advantage. To oppose this invading force, I have before observed that the entrenched camp at Maubeuge, and another at Maulde, with the fortress of Valenciennes, formed the principle points of defence on the part of the French. It is evident from the very outline of the campaign that the invading monarchs must have viewed the prospect of partitioning France, even had they entertained that wish, as too distant and chimerical to be attempted. Their whole policy was directed to co-operation with the people, and the deliverance of the king; and the accomplishment of the first of these objects, absolutely necessary as it was to their first successes, would have effectually prevented their ulterior design.

The emperor and king of Prussia published energetic and judicious declarations of their motives for engaging in hostilities, but on the armies being put in motion, a manifesto was issued in the name of the duke of Brunswick, to which may unfortunately be ascribed the successful resistance of France and the long duration of the miseries of Europe.

Declaration of the reigning Duke of Brunswick Lunenburgh, Commander of the combined Armies of the Emperor and King of Prussia, to the Inhabitants of France.

Their majesties the emperor and the king of Prussia, having entrusted me with the command of the combined armies, assembled on the frontiers of France, I think it my duty to inform the inhabitants of that kingdoin of the motives which have influenced the conduct of the two sovereigns, and of the principles by which they are guided.

After arbitrarily suppressing the rights,

and invading the possessions, of the German princes in Alsace and Lorrain; after having disturbed and overthrown in the interior part of the kingdom all order and lawful government; after having been guilty of the most daring attacks, and having had recourse to the most violent measures, which are still daily renewed against the sacred person of the king, and against his august family; those who have seized on the reins of government have, at length, filled the measure of their guilt, by declaring an unjust war against his majesty the emperor, and by invading his provinces of the Low Countries. Some of the possessions belonging to the German empire have been equally exposed to the same oppression, and many others have only avoided the danger by yielding to the imperious threats of the domineering party and of their emissaries.

His majesty the king of Prussia, united with his imperial majesty in the bands of the strictest defensive alliance, and as a preponderant member himself of the Germanic body, could not refuse marching to the assistance of his ally and of his coestates. It is under this double relation, that he undertakes the defence of that monarch and of Germany.

To these high interests is added another important object, and which both the sovereigns have most cordially in view; which is, to put an end to that anarchy which prevails in the interior parts of France, to put a stop to the attacks made on the throne and the altar, to restore the king to his legitimate power, to liberty, and to safety, of which he is now deprived, and to place him in such a situation, that he may exercise that legitimate authority to which he is entitled.

Convinced that the sober part of the nation detest the excesses of a faction which has enslaved them, and that the majority of the inhabitants wait with impatience the moment when succours shall arrive, to declare themselves openly against the odious enterprises of their oppressors; his majesty the emperor, and his majesty the king of Prussia, earnestly invite them to return without delay into the paths of reason

and of justice, of order and peace. It is with this view that I, the underwritten, general commandant in chief of the two armies, do declare,

1st, That, drawn into the present war by irresistible circumstances, the two allied courts have no other object in view than the welfare of France, without any pretence to enrich themselves by making conquests.

2nd, That they do not mean to meddle with the internal government of France, but that they simply intend to deliver the king, the queen, and the royal family, from their captivity, and to insure to his most Christian majesty that safety which is necessary for his making, without danger and without obstacles, such convocations as he shall judge proper, and for endeavouring to insure the welfare of his subjects, according to his promises, and to the utmost of his power.

3rd, That the combined armies shall protect the towns, burghs, and villages, as well as the persons and property of all those who shall submit to the king; and that they will concur in the immediate restoration of order and police throughout all France.

4th, That the national guards are called upon to preserve, provisionally, tranquillity in towns and in the country, to provide for the personal safety and property of all Frenchmen until the arrival of the troops belonging to their imperial and royal majesties, or until orders be given to the contrary, on pain of being personally responsible that, on the contrary, such national guards as shall fight against the troops of the two allied courts, and who shall be taken with arms in their hands, shall be treated as enemies, and punished as rebels to their king, and as disturbers of the public

peace.

5th, That the general officers, the subalterns, and soldiers of the regular French troops, are equally called upon to return to their former allegiance, and to submit imme diately to the king, their legitimate sovereign.

6th, That the members of departments, districts, and municipalities, shall be equally

responsible, on pain of losing their heads and estates, for all the conflagrations, for all the murders, and for all the pillage which they shall suffer to take place, and which they shall not have, in a public manner, attempted to prevent within their respective territories; that they shall also be obliged to continue their functions, until his most Christian majesty, when set at full liberty, shall make farther arrangeinents, or until further orders be given in his name.

7th, That the inhabitants of towns, burghs, and villages, who shall dare to defend themselves against the troops of their imperial and royal majesties, and to fire upon them, either in open country, or through half open doors or windows of their houses, shall be punished instantly, according to the rigorous rules of war, or their houses shall be demolished or burned. On the contrary, all the inhabitants of the said towns, burghs, and villages, who shall readily submit to their king, by opening their gates to the troops belonging to their majesties, shall be immediately under their safeguard and protection; and their estates, their property, and their persons, shall be secured by the laws, and each and all of them shall be in full safety.

8th, The city of Paris and all its inhabitants, without distinction, shall be called upon to submit instantly and without delay to the king, to set that prince at full liberty, and to ensure to his and to all royal persons that inviolability and respect which are due, by the laws of nature and of nations, to sovereigns; their imperial and royal majesties, making personally responsible for all events, on pain of losing their heads, pursuant to military trials, without hopes of pardon, all the members of the National Assembly, of the department, of the district, of the municipality, and of the national guards of Paris, justices of the peace, and others whom it may concern: and their imperial and royal majesties farther declare, on their faith and word of emperor and king, that if the palace of the Thuilleries be forced or insulted, if the least violence be offered, the least outrage done to their majesties, the king, queen,

and the royal family, if they be not immediately placed in safety and set at liberty, they will inflict on those who shall deserve it, the most exemplary and ever-memorable avenging punishments, by giving up the city of Paris to military execution, and exposing it to total destruction; and the rebels who shall be guilty of illegal resistance, shall suffer the punishments which they shall have deserved. Their imperial and royal majesties promise, on the contrary, to all the inhabitants of the city of Paris, to employ their good offices with his most Christian majesty, to obtain for them a pardon for their insults and errors, and to adopt the most vigorous measures for the security of their persons and property, provided they speedily and strictly conform to the above injunctions.

Finally, Their majesties, not being at liberty to acknowledge any other laws in France except those which shall be derived from the king, when at full liberty, protest beforehand against the authenticity of all kinds of declarations which may be issued in the name of the king, so long as his sacred person, and that of the queen, the princes, and of the whole royal family, shall not be in full safety and with this view, their imperial and royal majesties invite and intreat his most christian majesty to name a town in his kingdom, nearest to the frontiers, to which he would wish to remove, together with the queen, and the royal family, under a strong and safe escort, which shall be sent for that purpose: so that his most Christian majesty may, in perfect safety, send for such ministers and counsellors as he shall be pleased to name, order such convocation as he shall think proper, and provide for the restoration of order and the regular administration of his kingaom.

In fine, I declare and promise, in my own individual name, and in my above quality, to cause to be observed, every where, by the troops under my command, good and strict discipline, promising to treat with mildness and moderation, those well-disposed subjects who shall submit peaceably and quietly, and to employ force against those only who shall be guilty

of resistance or of manifest evil intentions.

I therefore call upon and expect all the inhabitants of the kingdom, in the most earnest and forcible manner, not to make any opposition to the troops under my command, but rather to suffer them every where to enter the kingdom freely, and to afford them all the assistance, and shew them all the benevolence which circumstances may require.

Given at general quarters at Coblentz, July 25, 1792.

CHARLES GUILLAUME FERDINAND, DUC DE BRUNSWICK LUNENBOURG.

This insulting and sanguinary manifesto was signed in a moment of weakness by the duke of Brunswick, who had not been consulted in its composition. It was cal culated to have the very worst effect upon the Parisian populace, it left no middle party in the nation; all who wished to preserve a government in any degree popular,. all who conceived that a limitation of the supreme authority was an object worthy, of contention, were thrown by this measure into the hands of the avowed republicans, and felt themselves compelled to give way to the madness of that sanguinary party, or at once accede to the destruction of liberty by the army of the duke of Brunswick. A fatal alternative which rendered it almost impossible to be at once the advocate of order and the friend of liberty.

The unfortunate Lewis did not dare to present this declaration to the assembly as an authentic paper. The very letter which submitted it to the inspection of the legislature questioned its authenticity, and though the royal message was replete with the strongest, and probably the most sincere expressions of patriotism; the proposal of printing it for the use of the departments was rejected, and M. Isnard, in commenting on the declaration of his majesty, that he questioned the authenticity of the manifesto, remarked that "the king had asserted what was not true." The republican party acquired new accessions of vigor and of authority; and on the third of August the fatal die was cast, when M. Petion, at the