CHAP. V. Meeting of the National Convention-Characters of Robespierre and Danton-Incorporation of Savoy with France-Murder of the most successfui of the French GeneralsImprisonment, Trial, and Execution of Lewis XVI-Biographical Sketch of his advocate Desezé-Proceedings of the British Parliament-French: Declaration of War against England and Holland-Treaties with Foreign Powers. A FTER admiring for a moment the heroism of the French armies, their patriotic spirit, and, until they had been deserted by the convention, their determined intrepidity, it will be necessary to dwell with a minuteness, as painful as necessary, on the melancholy scenes which were transacting in the capital of the empire. A decree having been published prescribing a plan for the election of representatives to the proposed convention, the convention, the republicans employed themselves with assiduity in prepossessing the nation in favour of their cause. The National Assembly had been intimidated and rendered subservient to the republican faction, and they now endeavoured, by various expedients, to render the body of the people their partizans. The needy and the distressed were allured to support their power, by dispersing among them the popular idea of an equal division of property, and they were encouraged to hope for the realization of this chimerical project by the rigid execution of the decrees respecting the forfeiture of the estates of the nobles and ecclesiastics. Men of property, on the contrary, were intimidated into acquiescence by menaces and proscriptions issued against the aristocrats. Circular letters countersigned by Danton, as minister of justice, were sent to all the municipalities, justifying the late massacres, as acts necessary to keep in awe the traitors who were still within the 'kingdom, an expression which implied all who were adverse to the Jacobins. Emissaries were sent to influence the electors, aud procure the return of persons well affected to the reigning faction. The elections were conducted under the auspices of pike and bludgeon men, who beset the electors, and compelled them to vote according to their dictates. The effects of such assemblages, and of the practices I have described, may be calculated by the return which was made for Paris, among whom was the duke of Orleans. This worthless traitor, to render himself a fit object of popular election in such times and fór such a city, libelled his mother, declared himself the son of a coachman, renounced his family appellation, and took by appointment of the commune he represented, what they were pleased to denominate, "the beautiful name of Egalité." The second legislative assembly 1792. was thus succeeded by or rather engaged, in the national convention, on the 20th of September, after having bequeathed to the nation a war with all Europe and in La Vendee: colonies in flames and revolutionized; millions of assignats or fictitious paper, and a revolutionary tribunal, which was afterwards the instrument of indiscriminate massacres. This assembly passed 1227 laws, and during its reign 8047 persons were murdered; many of them by an instrument introduced at that period, called the Guillotine, from the name of its supposed inventor, though it had been used in Scotland some centuries before, under the appellation of the Maiden. The members of the second legislative assembly were much inferior to their enlightened predecessors, but unfortunately the individuals who occupied the seats of the national convention, were inferior to both. The worst portion of the late legislature were alone returned; and Robespierre, Petion, Sieyes, and the profligate Egalité, were worthily associated with Brissot, Condorcet, and Chabot, while the ranks were filled up with foreign criminals and adventurers, with the assassins of September, the authors of atrocious libels, and the lowest refuse of the populace. In this list of vice and baseness, the names of Marat, Anacharsis Cl otz, Thomas Paine, Legendre, Drouet, and Collet D'Herbois, stood conspicuously prominent. It would indeed be too much to affirm that even in this degraded assembly 'no men of talent or virtue were to be found, but their exertions were overpowered by the irregular and splendid eloquence of Danton, the studred periods and pointed sarcasms of Robespierre, or the plausible sophistry of Barrere. In this as in the former legislatures, two parties prevailed, but their hostility was more acrimonious and deadly, because each knew the nature of his opponent, each knew that the ascendancy of the other was his own destruction. The Brissotines were indignant at beholding Robespierre, who they had hitherto regarded in the light of a political mendicaut, elevated far above their level in the public favour, pointed out by Marat and other writers of a similar class, as the only pre-eminently honest man in France, and as a fit person to govern the country with the rank of dictator. Danton was known to be attached to Robespierre, and, in conjunction with Marat and other Jacobins, formed what was denominated the Mountain party. Robespierre was gradually rising into reputation for the display of talents, matured by repeated contention with, his political opponents, and the genius of Danton far eclipsed that of any of the Girondists, the other great party, in the state of which Roland was the head. On the side of Robespierre were Danton, Couthon, St. Just, Camille Desmoulins, Chabot, Clootz, Collet D'Herbois, and Marat; and on the side of Roland, or the Coté droit, were Brissot, Condorcet, Petion, Manuel, Vergniaud, Guadet, Gensonne, Barbaroux, Kersaint, and Louvet. A large body not inconsiderable in talent or influence, kept for a time cautiously aloof from the clash of the two parties, yet apparently flattering the prejudices of both, hoping, by accurate observation, to preserve themselves from danger and rise with the victors. Barrere and Sieyes were among the chiefs of this division. The party of the Girondists was denominated Le coté droit, from its occupying the right side of the hall, and that of Robespierre denominated the Mountain, because it took possession of the highest seats. To record the debates that ensued on every important resolution, would be to embody the ravings of madness, and to circulate the effusions of ostentatious and sometimes deliberate blasphemy. As the foundation of all their proceedings, they declared that "there can be no constitution but that which is accepted by the people;" and on the 21st of September they unanimonsly decreed that "royalty is abolished in France, that all public acts shall be dated the first year of the French repubhic, and that the great seal shall have the words "French republic" for its legend. When Dumouriez had driven the allied invaders from the territory of the republic, he hastened to Paris for the purpose of concerting the winter campaign in Flanders, and in the not unreasonable hope of receiving from the grateful inhabitants of the capital the applauses deserved by his skill; his valour, and his success. Having attached himself, however, to the more moderate party of the Girondists, and endeavoured to effect a reconciliation between the contending parties, he excited the jealousy of both, and was accused by Marat of urging the conquest of Flanders with the view of making himself duke of Brabant. Ambition, it must be admitted, was the greaterror of Dumouriez's character, nor is it improbable that he may have entertained designs similar to those imputed by his enemies. On my referring to this imputation of Marat, in an interview with the general during his visit to London, he exclaimed," Duke of Brabant! sir, at that period it was much more probable that I should have fought for the empire of Austria! Had the convention done every thing we might have accomplished all; as it was, I thought, that even the duchy of Brabant would be ultimately as far from our reach as the city of Vienna.” Immediately previous to the return of Dumouriez, it was decreed "That the French republic no longer acknowledges princes, and therefore their apanages have ceased. In every oath to be administred it was resolved that the term republic should be substituted for nation, and that the pension of one thousand livres, formerly granted to the nonjuring clergy, should be no longer paid to any under fifty years of age; and this abolition was followed by a motion from M. Manuel, that the abolition of the order of priests and of every religious establishment, should accompany the abolition of royalty. The national convention, however, on this occasion, acted inconsistently with its usual character, and the proposition was rejected with every indication of abhorrence. Having lately conquered Savoy, the legislators of France, notwithstanding their protestations against the infamy of unprovoked conquest and national aggrandize ment, resolved to incorporate that territory with the republic, and it became therefore the eighty-fourth department. So open and important a violation of those principles by which they professed to be actuated, diminished the confidence of the friends of France, and exasperated the jealousy or resentment of her enemies. These sentiments were powerfully confirmed by the fatuity and inhumanity of the convention in its conduct towards its most fortunate VOL. I. generals. La Fayette was denounced as a traitor; Luckner incurred the same disgrace, if disgrace it could he called, and was dismissed the service; and general Dillon, when he obtained a fortunate and judicious armistice, instead, as the conven tion expected, of a decisive victory, was doomed to hear a decree of accusation issued against him, but had the influence to obtain its repeal. The factious coincided in nothing but in cruelty and injustice. By the exertions of Danton, Roland was excluded from the legislature; Robespierre and Marat were repeatedly accused and severely attacked, but escaped by the exercise of their accustomed self-confidence and dexterity. Many of the unfortunate emigrants returned to their native country, cherishing the idea that they should be able to procure the forgiveness and protection of their fellow citizens; but the convention, with a policy and humanity worthy of itself, issued a decree by which they were ordered to quit the kingdom or be instantly put to death, should they refuse to comply. This decree was succeeded by another, in the promul gation of which, the convention discovered their ignorance of the law of nature and their defiance of the law of nations. A rupture having taken place between the bailiwick of Darmstadt and the duke of Deux Ponts, in whose territories it was situated, the people of that district, with their magistrates at their head, intreated the protection and support of the French republic, against the alleged tyranny and oppression of a man whom they were determined no longer to consider as entitled to their loyalty or their obedience. The national convention in compliance with their representations, issued a decree on the 19th of November, 1792, in the name of the French nation, declaring that they will grant fraternity and assistance to all those people who wish to procure liberty, and charging the executive power to send orders to the generals to aid such people as have suffered, or are now suffering, in the cause of liberty. The circulation of this extraordinary document has never been advanced by any of the belligerent powers M as a prominent ground of justification for the commencement of hostilities; yet in my opinion, this declaration alone would have decided the right of England to demand from the government of France the most satisfactory explanations, whatever may have been the future expedience of engaging in actual warfare. The armies of the continental powers had indeed invaded the territories of France previous to this decree, and they can derive no other advantage in point of argument from its subsequent enforcement, than as it tended to confirm their avowed suspicions, and to justify the continuance if not the commencement of the contest. The Brissotines how endeavoured to recover the advantages they had lost in the convention by a paper war, but Robespierre possessed superior talents as a writer, and by a witty and sarcastic epistle, rendered Petion, who had entered the list against him, the object of general ridicule. The mountain party was not content, however, with the honour acquired, or the security afforded by literary triumph. They foresaw that it would be necessary to intimidate their opponents by decisive measures, and to divert the attention of the public from accusations against themselves, to charges and enquiries of more universal importance. They were afraid that the moderate party might extend its influence and its numbers, and at length effect a counter-revolution in favour of the king. Actuated therefore by motives of selfinterest and self-preservation, as well as by the malignant spirit of faction, they drew up a series of charges, which, after long and violent debates, were laid on the table of the hall; and it was commanded that the individuals entrusted with the person of the king, should perform their duty with redoubled vigilence. The royal family were confined in the tower of an antient building belonging originally to the grand prior of the Knights Templars, situated at the north-east extremity of Paris, in a division which formed a refuge for debtors, crowded with buildings of the meanest description, and particularly dirty, melancholy, and unwhole some. They were treated with every injury and insult which malice, meanness, and brutality, could devise. They were deprived of all their attendants, but clergy; the valet de chambre of the dauphin, whose zeal and perseverance in the service of this illustrious family, which he has narrated in a modest and artless manner, will immortalize his name, and render his memory dear to all who can appreciate fidelity displayed in times so critical and disadvantageous. The delineation which he has given, exhibits a picture of fortitude beneath the pressure of adversity, at once delightful and improving, but coloured with all the prejudice of humble and fervent attachment. The royal family were compelled to endure numerous delays before they obtained the most common necessaries: the king was obliged to borrow changes of raiment from his valet de chambre, and the queen and the dauphin from the countess of Sutherland and other ladies: but these acts of kindness were almost immediately prevented. Even in the smallest articles the persecutors of the king displayed an anxious desire to increase his distress. He wore a repeating watch marked with the maker's name, and the addition "watchmaker to the king." The last three words. were concealed by the commissioners with a wafer. Such examples of insolence were borne with religious calmness, and even the declaration of one of the commissioners, Turlot, that "should the executioner refuse to guillotine that d-d family, he would perform the office of executioner himself," was heard with patient and humble resignation. : When the sentinals caught a glimpse of any of the royal family, they ostentatiously performed a different manœuvre from that which testified respect. The porter, when he opened the various gates for the family to take the air, amused the national guard by blowing from his pipe volumes of smoke in the faces of each as they passed, particularly the females, while the delighted soldiers obstructed the passages, indulging. in obscene remarks, or singing indecent and revolutionary songs. The walls of the prison were covered with the most brutal effusions of vulgar malignity in the form of inscriptions and caricatures, and the superscriptions of the letters addressed to his majesty previous to the decree of the national convention, were erazed to make room for the ironical address of "Mons. Veto." On the 28th of October the charges against Lewis were referred in the convention to a national committee, with the intention of preparing the public mind by a short delay for the intended catastrophe. The harangues of the mountain party were in favour of immediate condemnation, and Robespierre demanded that "sentence should be pronounced against Lewis, as a tyrant condemned by the insurrection of the people; instead of which proceedings were instituted against him as in the case of an accused citizen, whose criminality was doubtful. The revolution ought to have been cemented by his death, instead of which the revolution itself was rendered a subject of litigation." The violence of this proposition was opposed by the Brissotines, but in a tone enfeebled by the consciousness that they had expressed similar sentiments, and condemned the king on the same grounds with Robespierre in the last assembly. At length the incendiary Marat assumed the merit of proposing that the king should not be accused of any facts which had taken place previous to his acceptance of the constitution. In a short time the success of the armies, the sanguinary petitions lately presented, the violence of the pamphlets circulated in the metropolis, and the passiveness of the well-disposed body of the people, emboldened the regicides to retract their former measures of delay, and it was decreed on the motion of Legendre, that all the speeches intended to be delivered, should be laid on the table and printed, but the question on the king's trial should be decided on the 4th of December. These resolutions were reinforced by a sanguinary petition of the revolutionary municipality of the 10th of August, which had been annulled by the convention, and who delivered this atrocious scroll as their last corporate act. This was the instant for those who wished to save the king's life to have exerted themselves. The inviolability which the constitution had conferred on the person of the king, the responsibility which it imposed upon his ministers, and the incompetency of the tribunal, afforded them firm ground on which to make their stand. But they suffered themselves to be carried along by the stream rather than expose themselves to the vengeance of his inveterate enemies. The inviolability of the king's person being done away by an ex post facto law, and the convention being declared a competent tribunal, France, which had been so long the theatre of the most tragic scenes, at last presented to the world the awful spectacle of a sovereign, distinguished by his virtues and his integrity, above all the monarchs who had filled the throne of France, brought to trial as an enemy to the welfare of his realms, by men who afterwards proved the most cruel tyrants that ever afflicted their country, or mankind. 1 The charges being prepared and the mode of trial arranged, the mayor was sent to conduct the king to the hall of the assembly. Lewis was informed that the mayor could not speak with him in the presence of his son, and the child was therefore sent into his mother's apartment. His majesty protested against the appellation of Lewis Capet by which he was distinguished, and informed the mayor he would accompany him, not in compliance with the authority of the convention, but in submission to its force. After enduring every variety of insult, he at length arrived at the hall of the assembly. He entered not only without perturbation, but with majestic dignity. He cast his eye around the hall with a look equally remote from fear and from contempt of the assembly before which he had been illegally cited. He had been totally deprived of all social intercourse since his confinement in the temple, that he was quite uninformed of the previous proceedings of the convention. It was evidently the design of his enemies that he should be taken by surprise, and it was expected that the awfulness of the occasion and the nature of the tribunal |