"The boy," however, did escape him, and unfortunately for the noble general, he himself could not escape, being obliged to capitulate with his whole army. This was followed by a peace, in which it was the glory of America, and the delight of her patriotic friend, to see fixed upon an imperishable basis, the freedom of a country, which had struggled through difficulties in the sacred cause, unparalleled in the history of nations. Lafayette, though in the service of the United States, was in Madrid at the actual signing of this peace and acknowledgment, but he shortly afterwards again returned. And now he was received with acclamations on all sides. Wherever he went, the people vied with each other in expressing their gratitude and respect. His bust was placed in a conspicuous place in the capitol, to keep alive a remembrance-which can never die. It has already been remarked, that the bias in Lafayette's principles was in favor of political liberty and equality. In conformity to that sentiment, all the acts of his early-nay, indeed of his whole-life, were directed, and as early as the summer of 1787, we find him one of the deputies of the Etats generaux, propounding those principles in the most direct and unequivocal manner. They are too remarkable to be left out here. "Nature has made men free and equal. The distinctions necessary for social order are only founded in general utility. "Every man is born with rights inalienable and imprescriptible. Such are the liberty of all his opinions, the care of his honor, and of his life, the right of property, the uncontrolled disposal of his person, his industry, and all his faculties; the communication of all his thoughts by all possible means; the pursuit of happiness, and the resistance of oppression. "The exercise of natural rights has no limits, but such as will ensure their enjoyment to other members of society. "No man can be subject to any laws, excepting those which have received the assent of himself or his representatives, and which are promulgated beforehand, and applied legally. "The principle of all sovereignty resides in the nation. Nobody, no individual can possess authority which does not expressly emanate from it. "Government has for its sole object, the general welfare. This interest requires, that the legislative, executive, and judicial powers, should be distinct and defined; and that their organization should secure the free representation of the citizens, the responsibility of the agents, and the impartiality of the judges. "The laws ought to be clear, precise, and uniform, for all citizens. "The subsidies ought to be freely consented to, and fairly imposed. "And, as the introduction of abuses, and the right of succeeding generations, makes the revision of every human establishment necessary, it must be allowed to the nation to have, in certain cases, an extraordinary convocation of deputies, whose sole object should be, the examination and correction, if necessary, of the vices of the constitution." Yet, with this love of political and civil liberty inherent in him, Lafayette was not a democrat, in the sense of the word understood at that time. The whole of his conduct shows that his notions of civil liberty were not inconsistent with a limited monarchy, and that he was the firm Sarran's Lafayette, i. 33. and constitutional defender of Louis XVI through stormy times. He was well aware of the immense difference between the establishment of a right order of things in a nation, which had just achieved its own independence, as in the case of the United States, where the world of principle was open for the adoption of that which was best suited to the circumstances of the infant state, and, the subversion of all established order, which should unhinge the minds of men, give admission to all the wild theories, and the interested projects of factious demagogues. It was the object of Lafayette, as it will ever be the object of a truly patriotic legislator, rather to lop off excrescences, prune the branches, engraft sound stocks, give healthy assistance to the roots of the political tree, than furiously to dig it up from the earth, and endeavor to supply its place by another sapling, the health and fruitfulness of which has not been tried. He will first examine the effects of his experiments, and he will find that holy writ has good politics in it, as well as religion,-"let me dig about it and dress it. If it bear fruitwell-if not, after that thou shalt cut it down." That the court had the highest opinion of Lafayette's political integrity, is manifest from the circumstance, that after he had been called by acclamation to the command of the newly constituted NATIONAL GUARD, the royal family still continued to confide in him, and that he was, in fact, not only the intercessor between the crown and the sometimes overheated populace, but he was also the adviser of the unhappy family, then nominally on the throne. Nay, it is certain, that had they voluntarily followed the judicious advice generally, which in emergencies they found themselves constrained to do, the French revolution would never have attained the extravagant character which it afterwards drew upon itself; and, in all probability, that dynasty might have still been upon the throne at this hour. Whilst he held this important, but delicate, command, it was the fortune of Lafayette to be the preserver, at different times, even of the lives of the king and queen. He moderated the violence of demagogues, yet preserved the esteem of the republicans; he advised to mortifying sacrifices on the part of a monarch bred up in the idea of "divine right," yet preserved the respect of the humbled sovereign; and could he have changed the despotic character of the government into a constitutional monarchy, upon a model somewhere between the constitutions of England and America, he would have felt satisfied that the institutions of his country had passed through a lustration, to a state satisfactory to his most approved notions of liberty. But this was not then to be the case. The excesses of the various democratic parties on the one side,-the faithless conduct of the court on the other, together with the laxity of public morals, which was daily becoming more and more glaring in those troublesome and unsettled times, frustrated the philanthropic designs of Lafayette, and his adherents. Famine overtook the Parisians, notwithstanding that the crops in the country had been good,—and the leaders of the factions raised the cry "to Versailles,-bread and the king at Versailles." A mob is easily incensed, and an artful aristocracy can as easily raise a cry of insubordination. Thus all things tended to widen the breach, and it soon became obvious that the constitutionalists, or middle men, could not long act as moderators between them. Perhaps, as a peaceful reformer, the most erroneous thing proposed by Lafayette, was immediately after the destruction of the Bastile, when he introduced the tri-colored flag to the national guard. It is true that the motive was one of good feeling, but he should not have forgotten that a flag is a rallying point, whether to an army or a party,—that they who range themselves together under a certain standard, look with a jealous eye upon the partizans of another standard.—It is human nature itself to do so; -even in peaceful competitorship it has generated ill blood,-much more in political strife. The ancient colors of the city of Paris were red and blue, and it was thought that the old white national flag-white-being blended with them, would prove a mark for the union of opposing interests. Quite the contrary—it was the trumpet of discord, and led, as much as the causes we have enumerated, to the disaster which followed. The flight of the king, in June 1791, which, as we have before stated, was a faithless act, was particularly so towards Lafayette, whose protection of the royal family was on the perfect understanding that he would not desert his post,-it was in direct contradiction to his own assertion when acting as a mediator, and had the tendency to diminish his credit and popularity where it had hitherto been efficacious. He no sooner became acquainted with the fact, than he took upon himself the responsibility of issuing orders to stop the royal family wheresoever they might be found.—An aid-de-camp of General Lafayette came up with them at Varennes, soon after they had been accidentally arrested there. The unfortunate prince was within an hour, within a league of safety, when this memorable accident happened, which turned the tide of his fortune, and finally brought upon him so melancholy a catastrophe. He was brought back to Paris, but no longer to be treated like a king-no longer to receive even the outward tokens of his respect. The rabble were for tearing him to pieces, the democrats for dethroning him by a summary decree. In vain did Lafayette, and Bailly, the mayor of Paris, march through the streets with the red flag unfurled, significant that martial law was in force ;-in vain did they cause the military to fire into the air;-both failed to intimidate the rioters. A real and serious discharge finally took place, and the ground was soon dyed by the blood of hundreds. Many expired of their wounds, the rest dispersed. But the tragedy was not yet to be brought to a close. Having the king in their power, the heads of the revolution once more tendered the constitution for his acceptance, he received and recognized it, as how could he refuse? The National Assembly then declared itself dissolved, and a new one was to be elected, which, by a fatal article of the constitution, was to consist entirely of new members, all the late ones being excluded by law from being elected in the then next ensuing Assembly, and thus leaving the field free for those who had hitherto been kept out of the official field of politics, and depriving the country of the active exertions of those who perhaps best knew how to save it. Lafayette still continued his exertions to retain public order, and to protect the king and the royal family ;-unhappily he began to be suspected on both sides, the king would not trust him,―refused to be protected by him, and led on by infatuation, or at least by a vacillation of mind very unfit for the crisis, made and recalled the most contradictory resolutions, performed the most contradictory acts, and was in fact so mere a football of the mob, that it was quite evident what must ere long be the result. Lafayette, on the other hand, was suspected to be, and indeed was called, a projector for himself. The terms "Cromwell," and "Cromwell-Grandison," were applied to him. On this subject there was actually a charge brought against him, that it was his intention to overthrow the government, make himself master of the country, and erect himself as a despot, differing only in name from them which they had labored to shake off.-A debate of the National Assembly, terminated by a resolution of a large majority, that there was no ground of accusation against him. But he had no alternative now, except an asylum in a foreign land, until the times of anarchy should have reached their acme, and reason and good policy should resume their empire. He, therefore, with a few friends, retreated, with the intention of passing into Holland and England, both of which were then, (in 1792,) neutral countries;-the celebrated Lameth was one of those friends. They arrived as far as Liege, when they fell in with a body of Austrians, who delivered them up to the German princes, the family of Maria Antoinette.-That family had all along misunderstood the conduct of Lafayette, the mistaken queen had described him to the coalition, under the mists of prejudice, in which she was unhappily inveloped, and thus, the very preserver of herself, the throne, and the nation, was considered as a traitor to them all; and when possession was obtained of his person, he was treated with the greatest indignity and severity. In a letter, written from his prison at Magdeburg, addressed to his friend, the Chevalier D'Archenhotz, we have the following reflections of Lafayette, on the state of his own, and of the public affairs, which may be acceptable. "It is unknown," says he, "what sufferings have been inflicted upon us by this coalition; but what are those sufferings, to the pains which a heart devoted to liberty feels, from the injustice of the people? In that injustice, the three-fold tyranny of despotism, aristocracy, and superstition, finds itself avenged;-but the monster has received a mortal wound.-Here all the contrivances of the inquisition and barbarism are multipled around us;but these cruelties do us honor; and whether our heads are reserved to adorn a triumph, or whether it be preferred to make the insalubrity of dungeons, the privation of air and exercise, and every kind of moral torture, have the effect of a slow poison,-I hope that the compassion, the discussion, the indignation, which our fate will excite, will prove so many germs of liberty, by raising up for it new defenders. To encourage such, in the sincerity of my heart, I here bequeath you this consoling truth,—that a signal service rendered to humanity, more than compensates for all the torments, which the united efforts of its enemies, and even the ingratitude of the people may cause. "But what will become of the French revolution?-Can reliance be placed on immorality, tyranny, and disorganization?-On men whose venality has disgusted all parties,-whose baseness has always prompted them to kiss the hand which gives or strikes,-whose pretended patriotism was never anything but egotism or envy ;-on avowed corrupters of public morality, the authors of protests and projects against the revolution, associated with the sanguinary wretches, who have already so often stained it? What chiefs for a nation that would be free!-Can its legislators give it a constitution or legal order?-Can its generals prove incorruptible?-However, if, after the convulsion of anarchy, there still should exist one spot where liberty maintains the combat, how I should then curse my chains! VOL. I. 32 I refused to live with my countrymen, but not to die for them! Besides, can it be possible to escape from so many barriers of guards and chains?— Why not?-Already a toothpick, some soot, and a bit of paper, have served to deceive my goalers, and at the risk of my life this letter will be conveyed to you. It is true, that to the danger of escape, must be added the difficulty of the journey, and the asylum.-From Constantinople to Lisbon, from Kamtschatka to Amsterdam, (for I am on bad terms with the house of Orange,) bastiles everywhere await me. The Huron and the Iroquois forests are peopled by my friends; with me, the despots of Europe, and their courts, are the savages.-Though I am no favorite at St. James', I should find a nation and laws, but I should wish to avoid a country at war with my own. AMERICA, the country of my heart, would rejoice to see me again, but my solicitude on the destiny of France would make me rather prefer Switzerland." (To be continued.) CHORUS, FROM THE ALCESTIS OF EURIPIDES-v. 449. DAUGHTER of Pelias, glorious be thy doom- Thee, may the dark haired monarch of the grave→ Unnumbered minstrels, with the seven-stringed shell, What time the full-orbed moon the heavens may ride, Oh! that to me the godlike power were given So he may revel in the upper air.— Light be the flowery sod thy limbs above,- In youthful beauty from his wedlock torn, Mine be the lot to clasp so true a bride- H |