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[MILITIA PAY BILL.]-The order of the day being read for taking into consideration the militia pay bill, in Great-Britain, for the year 1803.

The Secretary at War proposed an amendment, to increase the pay of adjutants from 6s. to 8s.

Mr. Bastard said, that the pay of adjutants under the present bill, was on a worse footing than during the last war, when they were allowed 3s. 6d. military days, besides their regular pay of 6s. and proposed raising their pay to 7s.

The Secretary at War said, the pay of adjutants in the militia was the same as in the infantry of the line. He had no particular objection to the hon. gentleman's amendment, but it could not be discussed in the present stage of the business. The report to be received next day.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Wednesday, July 6. [MINUTES.]-The royal assent was given by commission to the English and Scotch army of reserve bills, and to one private bill. -The Scotch militia families' bill was read a third time and passed.

[CLERGY BILL.]-Upon the motion for the third reading of the clergy bill,

Lord Suffolk, according to the intentions which he had intimated before, stated his sentiments respecting the bill in question. He did not intend to oppose the bill, nor to enter into, it now so fully as if he had been allowed to discuss its merits when it was committed. Some bill to this purpose must pass, as the period of suspending actions brought against the clergy for non-residence had now very nearly elapsed. He had before intimated his objections to the bill, which were, that it did not go to what in his opinion was the most essential of all the points that could be comprehended in it, viz. the making some adequate provision for the inferior clergy. He had before stated his opinion that no clergyman ought to have less than 100l. per annum. This the present situation of the country could well afford: and surely it was not too large a provision for a person who had received a liberal education, and whose profession required that he should keep up the appearance of a gentleman. He had before stated, and not upon slight authority, that out of the 10,000 livings in England, 4 or 5000 did not yield upwards of 701. a year. This was an evil which certainly required a remedy, as it was

of the last consequence to religion and morality, that the clergymen of the country should be enabled to maintain their respectability in the eyes of their parishioners. Some time ago, in alluding to this subject, he had mentioned an instance of the degraded situation to which a clergyman, in a certain part of the kingdom, which he had accidentally visited, had been reduced by the smallness of his income. He again alluded to it, both as illustrative of his argument, and that he might have an opportunity of correcting a mistake which had been committed by the public papers in their account of what he had said when treating this subject on the occasion alluded to. The public prints had stated him to have said at that time that the clergyman, to whose situation he had called the attention of the House, possessed 40 1 a year. With the sum of 401 a year, a clergyman in that part of the country, and at the time to which he alluded, which was 35 years ago, might have made a very respectable appearance, and maintained his fa mily with some comfort. But the clergyman in question, who maintained himself by keeping a public house, and fiddling to his parishioners, had only 141. a year. He before mentioned a plan by which the livings of the inferior clergy might be rendered more comfortable. The first fruits and tenths had done a great deal; but in the manner in which they were at present collected, they fell far short of what they ought to perform. Instead of a nominal first fruit and tenth, he would advise the collecting of a real first fruit and tenth. This was surely not too much for dignitaries, and those clergymen who had rich livings, to do for the interior clergy. The first fruits and tenths, as at present collected, did not amount to more than 15 or 16,000l. a year; but if really and properly collected, would, he was assured, by a very moderate calculation, amount to 60 or 70,000l. a year. Perhaps they might amount to more, but he wished to keep within bounds. From the payment of these first fruits and tenths he would exempt, not only the curates and clergymen with poor livings, but all those whose incomes did not amount to 200 l. a year. Let the first fruits and tenths be fully levied from those whose incomes were above that sum, and if properly applied, they might afford a more adequate relief to the inferior elergy. This would, in his opinion, not only afford the requisite remedy at present, but might leave a very considerable surplus. This surplus might be applied to the pur chase of glebes, for those who had not a sufficient one, to prevent the necessity of taking

an additional farm. And if a farther surplus remained, which was extremely probable, he would advise that it should be formed into a sort of sinking fund, and thus the livings of the clergy might be made to keep pace with the improvement of the landed property, and indeed would be a security for them, whatever might be the fate of agriculture. It was the neglect and poverty which the inferior clergy had endured in France, as he had formerly stated, that in a great measure had occasioned the revolution in that country. A committee of Bishops had been there appointed to examine into that grievance, but instead of turning their attention to the subject for which they had been appointed, they treated the case of the lower classes of the clergy, many of whom had not above 121. a year, with neglect, and only resolved, that the livings of the poorer bishops ought in the first place to be augmented. He was sure that the right reverend bench opposite to him would not have acted thus; and he again assured them that he never had any intention to affirm, that such in a similar situation would have been their conduct. This assurance he had been obliged to give on a former occasion, as he had in that respect been misrepresented by one of the public papers. There was another reason why he wished to call their lordships' attention to this subject. He understood that a bill was about to be introduced into the other House, by which the statute of Mortmain was in some degree to be repealed. He strongly deprecated that measure. The statute of Mortmain, he was convinced, was the best that ever was made in this country. To abolish it would be attended with the most pernicious consequences. He therefore took this opportunity of expressing his strongest opposition to the bill in question. If it was such as he apprehended, it was the most objectionable measure which could well be brought forward.

Here the Bishop of St. Asaph called the noble lord to order, saying that was an improper time to debate a bill, upon which the House would very gladly hear the noble lord's sentiments when it came before their lordships.

Lord Suffolk proceeded, and confessed that he might be somewhat out of order; but it was now late in the session. He wished to go down to the country to perform what he thought a most important duty, viz. to excite his tenants and neighbours to an exertion of that spirit, without which the attacks of our enemies could hardly be resisted, and the country would be in the greatest danger.

He, consequently, would not, probably, be in town when the bill in question reached that House; and it was upon that account he wished to state his sentiments on the subject. He would now, however, proceed to another point in the bill before them. He certainly was averse to a clergyman degra ding himself to the rank of a mere farmer. He did not wish to enter upon that point, particularly as, he confessed, he was not fu ly master of the subject. His lordship then adverted at considerable length to the sub. ject of tythes, and strongly reprobated the practice of paying tythes in kind. It was certainly not a thing required by the Chris tian religion. It was a Mosaic institution, and not, he apprehended, a Testament one. This might in the end turn out of the most pernicious consequence. What would the effect be of having so much property totally in the power of the Crown? What had been the effects of it in Roman Catholic times? These effects he might be told were not now likely to be produced. He did not know, however, and it was difficult to say, what might happen. It was, besides, of a most pernicious tendency to agriculture. His lordship then informed the House of a fact, which he had from his own steward. He himself being a considerable lay proprietor, had sent his steward to let those lands which paid tythes in kind, and asked him what he had received for them? "A guinea an acre" was the answer. "A guinea ar acre?" "Yes! the lands are good and the crops abundant!" He asked no more questions, as this completely satisfied him. A friend of his in Herefordshire, who was pos sessed of considerable property there, upon inquiry, told him, that he let 300l. a year's worth of such lands at 11. per acre, and even of this, after the payment of his tythes, very little remained with him. This country ought to consider that France was now become an agricultural country; and under that military despotism, the farmers had enjoyed a considerable degree of protection. Some friends of his who had seen that coun try lately, had as ured him, from observation, that the state of agriculture there was very respectable. This country had been stated, and perhaps truly, the most improv ed in its agriculture of any state in Europe. Unless encouragement was given to this most important branch of economy, might in that respect acquire the superiori ty; and then not all our commerce could save us. Commerce ought to have agricul ture for its basis. Whenever the contest was between an agricultural and commercial country, the commercial would most certain

France

ly be beaten. His lordship then adverted to the state of Ireland in this respect. He recommended that instant measures ought to be taken to redress the grievances in that quarter. This was of the utmost importance in a period like the present. The country would otherwise be in the utmost danger. He concluded by requesting that their lordships would take these points into their consideration; and repeated, that unless a proper attention were paid to them, the country would be in the utmost danger.

The Lord Chancellor rose, and briefly ad verted to what had fallen from the last speaker with respect to tythes. The other part was totally out of order. He did not wish to enter into the subject at any length. His lordship (Suffolk) was a lay-proprietor. He would inform him, that upon the principles which he had stated, if put in practice, he could not long call his estate his

own.

Lord Suffolk explained.

Lard Limerick said, that he did not mean to enter upon the discussion started by the noble lord. But as Ireland had been mentioned, he would put it to the noble lord's good sense, whether it was proper at a time like the present, to send abroad with the sanction of his authority, which justly stood high, sentiments putting the Irish in mind, that they had grievances to complain of, when it was too late in the session, just now to have these grievances redressed. lordship might do a good deal of injury by stirring up commotions among a people, people, certainly of rather a turbulent disposition.

His

The Bishop of St. Asaph only rose to say, that the payment of tythes in kind could not be injurious to agriculture, as it would be the same thing, as far as respected the cultivation of land, whether the proprietor was a layman or a clergyman. This was proved by the flourishing state of those lands that paid tythes in kind. One half of these tythes was, besides, in all cases, in the hands of a lay proprietor, and two-thirds of the other half, when lands were let out on lease, belonged to the lessee.

The bill was then read a third time and passed.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, July 6. MINUTES.]-The Marchioness of Downshire's Trust Estate Bill was read a second time and teferred to a private Committee.Foote's Divorce Bill was passed, and ordered to the Lords.-The Bill for carrying into

effect the purposes of Queen Anne's bounty act, was read a second time, and committed for next day.The Attorney General moved, for leave to bring in a bill for the protection of black game in the New ForesTM, in the county of Southampton, by postponing the commencement of shooting from the 1st of August to the 1st of September, and other regulations.-Leave given.Mr. Tierney presented a petition from the debtors confined in the Fleet Prison, praying relief. Ordered to be laid upon the table.The Attorney General brought up the New Forest game bill-read a first time; ordered to be read a second time the next day. Mr. Alexander reported the resolutions agreed to in the Committee of Supply, empowering the Lord Lieutenant to increase the bounty for raising the additional military force in Ireland; and also the resolution, that it be an instruction to the Committee on the Irish army defence bill, to make provision for said resolutions in said bill. William Pulteney obtained leave to bring in a bill for erecting a beacon upon the Bell Rock, upon the North-East coast of Scotland.

Sir

[MALT DUTIES.]-Col. Hutchinson said, he had lately made some objections to the malt duties, with respect to their operation upon the Irish manufacture. The answer he had received was, that though the advantage was now in favour of the English distiller, the Irish distiller would have a cor responding advantage at the end of the war. There were two gentlemen in town who represent the Irish distilleries, and they were of opinion that the answer was not satisfactory, as the advantage was contingent, whereas the loss was present and certain. It was therefore his intention to move for a return of the stock here on hand, with a view to make it the foundation of some measure for the compensation of the Irish distiller at a future day. In taking this course, his conduct was directed by his judgment. He neither canvassed the approbation, nor deprecated the censure of any man. The hon. member concluded with moving, “That there be laid before the House an acconnt of the quantity of the stock in hand of homemade spirits of English gross distillers upon the 14th of June.'

Mr. Vansittart said, the motion, if carried, would not answer the object, as there was a large quantity in the hands of dealers as well as of distillers.

Sir Lawrence Parsens was convinced that the present mode did not interfere with the articles of union. The Irish distiller was

only placed in the situation of an English distiller, who happens to have no stock on hand. The only mode of carrying the act into effect would be letting the countervailing duty take effect upon the same day as the internal duty. He did not think there was any foundation for the opinion entertained by the hon. Colonel.

Col. Hutchinson then withdrew his motion, and proposed another to the same effect, only substituting 5th Jnly for 5th June.

Mr. Vansittart said, the same objections applied to this as to the former motion.

Col. Hutchinson withdrew it, and moved, "That an account be laid before the House of the probable amount of homemade spirits permitted for home distillers, from the 14th June to the 5th July." Agreed to.

[MILITIA SURGEONS.]-On the report of the resolutions relating to the pay and cloathing of the militia being brought up,

Sir IV. Elford said, he had been in hopes, that some provision would have been made for the surgeons of the militia. It was certainly right that the regiments of militia, considering the sort of service they were most Jikely to undergo, should have the same assistance from regular bred professional persons as the regulars; but, at present, the encouragement in the former department was such, as to offer no temptation, except to raw and inexperienced young men, who might be under some difficulty to find any other mode of employment. By the regulations now in being, militia surgeons, in time of peace, must have been thirty years in the service, before they could be entitled to the small provision of 3s. per day, which the House must be sensible was extremely inadequate to the expectations, and just pretensions, of experienced professional men; and from some calculations he had seen, it would appear, that should the present war continue for even five years longer, there were but a very few surgeons of militia, who could be entitled to the scanty provisions made by the act of parliament. He was not, he said, provided with any motion on this subject, but threw out these few observations for the consideration of his Majesty's ministers.—No answer was made, and the resolutions having been agreed to, the bill was ordered to be read a third time the next day.

[ARMY OF RESERVE.-The order of the day being read for the second reading of the Irish additional force bill.

General Gascoyne rose, he said, with very great reluctance, to trespass once more upon

the indulgence of the House, by a few observations upon a subject which had already been so fully discussed on a former night, namely, the situation in which these countries stand, with respect to the danger of the threatened invasion, and the means of our defence. On this subject a very considerable impression had been made upon the minds of many gent. in that House, and had very serious effects without doors upon the funds, and the monied and commercial interests of the country; nor was it matter of surprise, as arguments of such desponding tendency had fallen from such high authority, as that of a right hon. gent. near him (Mr. Windham), and that of an hon, colonel near him, of high military experience, and well known to the powers of Europe, and also from several other gent. of high military experience. His purpose for rising that day, was to do away those impressions, for which he really felt no serious grounds, notwithstanding all the menaces of the enemy, and his display of preparations to invade this country. It must be in the recollection of every gent. who heard him, that in 1798, the menaces of French invasion were to the full as loud, and talked of with as much alarm as at the present moment; that a French army was assembled upon the opposite coasts, avowedly for the purpose, and assuming to itself the pompous and daring appellation of "The Army of England;" but it must be also recollected, that in the course of a few months, this army was withdrawn, and the next thing heard of it was from the shores of Africa, on its way to Egypt, where it was finally destroyed, or taken by the real Army of England, whose name it had audaciously usurped. Was it not therefore to the full as likely, that the army now assembled upon the opposite coasts, though avowedly designed for the invasion of this country, was really intended for some other design; probably for the recapture of Egypt, which Buonaparté had avowed to be his favourite object, and one of which he never would lose sight; or, possibly, for an attack against our possessions in the East or West Indies? If, therefore, we continue to retain the whole of our force, to stand upon a mere defensive system at home, without any attempt to attack the enemy in his vulnerable points, or preparing to meet his designs in other quarters, our finances would be exhausted, in endeavouring to support so tardy and inactive a system. An hon. gent. formerly a member of that House, but now no more, had often express ed his surprise at the novelties produced by the French revolution in the course of the war; but what would he have said at this

day, had he lived to have seen such an extraordinary novelty as this country, possessed as she was of such a formidable navy, flushed with victories, and so ably manned and appointed for our defence; with a disciplined army of 20,000 troops of the line within our country, besides 70,000 militia, well armed and disciplined, and so numerous a body of volunteers, also well disciplined, exclusive of the 50,000 men to be raised under those bills, alarmed at the menaces of an invasion from an enemy who has no navy she dare send to sea without a mortal certainty of finding their way into British ports, instead of ever returning to France? For his own part, he thought the apprehension of invasion from such an enemy almost ridiculous; and that instead of standing upon the defensive, we ought to fill up the regiments of the line with the men to be raised, to the number of 1200 or 1300 men to a regiment, as at once the best mode of accelerating their discipline, and of being prepared to strike an effectual blow, whenever and wherever opportunity should offer. Much had been said of the disadvantages attendant on imperfect discipine; he was ready to admit the importance of good discipline, but he by no means thought it so difficuk to be acquired, to fit troops for action. He remembered in the last war three regiments brigaded for continental service, who, the very day after they were joined by a body of 450 recruits in their coloured clothes, marched to attack Pichegru; and those brave fellows fought with as much steadiness and gallantry as any men in their Corps. Considering the powerful manner in which our navy was manned; considering that the garrisons of Gibraltar and Malta had a considerable number of troops more than they required, he was confident that a body of 50,000 men could, with great propriety, be spared for offensive operations, and they ought to be kept ready embarked, to seize on the first opportunity for a masterly blow, instead of confining the country to a ruinous 2nd inactive system of defensive war, which would absorb our resources to no manner of effect. With respect to the menace of French invasion, there was nothing new in the project towards this country, though there was certainly something extremely new in the mode now proposed for carrying it on. Under the Kings of the House of Bourbon, it had been frequently threatened: it had been menaced in all their wars with England. But even in the zenith of their power, and when they possessed powerful fleets, they Dever durst venture; much less did they succeed in carrying their menaces into effect. Even in the reign of Louis XIV. when they

might have looked for the aid of a strong party in this country (the adherents of the abdicated House of the Stuarts), a force was prepared on the coast of France, more than once, for the purpose of invading this country, and at one time they would have carried this purpose into effect, had it not been for the signal victory obtained by the gallant Admiral Russel. But if in the proudest days of the French navy such a project was impracticable, where was the probability that it could succeed when France has no navy that we should not take or destroy, so soon as they dare venture to sea? Nothing could excuse the unfounded apprehensions that had operated to alarm and dismay any portion of the community; but having familiarized themselves with imaginary terrors, they had not the fortitude to discard them on reflection. But to suppose that a project impracticable when France had a powerful navy, would now be attempted with success, in open boats, was too ridiculous a ground of alarm. What would our ancestors say of such apprehensions? or would they have supposed their posterity would in the proud est era of their naval strength, have indulged such silly fears? He desired to ask any military man, if a broad river, instead of a sea, divided the countries, and that the enemy were to attempt crossing it in the face of an army possessed of every strong hold upon the whole opposite line, while he was obliged to leave behind him all bis cavalry and artillery, what would be his chance of success? and such must be the situation of the French army attempting an expedition in open boats. Was it probable that the ambition of Buonaparte would prompt him to such an attempt upon this country, where he would meet an enemy in every tree-for wherever there was a tree, he would be sure to find an Englishman behind it (a laugh,)-But supposing them to have boats enough for such an expedition, how could they assemble on their coasts in a collective fleet, while our frigates, were constantly looking even into the recesses of their harbours, and prepared to destroy their force wherever it was collecting? And even if this were not the case, their voyage, to reach our shores, must have the concurrence of singularly favourable circumstances. They must have an unruffled sea, a fair wind, a dark night succeeded by a fog next day, and our frigates must have abandoned their stations and returned into har bour, to suffer such an expedition to approach our shores unmolested. It was, however, ridiculous to suppose any open boat would venture on such an attempt, while our frigates were able to keep the sea; so

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