it must have this effect) as to hire them to fight for their lives, like mercenaries, inin stead of rousing them by all the great and magnanimous virtues which grow out of true, disinterested patriotism. On great and extraordinary occasions, like the present, every motive that can induce patriotic feelings and heroic conduct should be employed. And what other motive more powerful than a conviction that our freedom is at stake? This is the prize for which we must all contend. The undisturbed possession of this, is the noblest, most honourable reward we can obtain. All other objects are nothing compared to this. The tyrant's soldiers may acquire pay and plunder, a mercenary boon, fit only for adventurers and slaves. Let us cultivate a Roman spirit and sacrifice every thing for freedom. In it are comprehended parents, relations, friends, property, country, religion and laws, and every enjoyment that a free born Briton alone can prize. Without it, we are nothing, and are worth nothing. In this island, as in her chosen temple, freedom has long dwelt. Here, as on the altar of the universe, the sacred fire has long burned. Her hardy votaries raised to her, in many a bloody field, trophies of eternal renown. Many a tyrant felt the lightening of her eye, and the vengeance of Britons, in the cause of freedom, have dared every thing, have endured every thing. In that sacred cause, the mature work of ages, the complicated wisdom of many generations, nothing is too arduous for them to attempt. No sacrifice, but the sacrifice of liberty itself, too great. No danger, but the danger of losing it, terrible. We stand alone, a single nation, intrepid and fearless, not only in defence of our own liberties, but the liberties of Europe; and not only of Europe, but of every nation barbarous or civilized, remote or near, upon the face of the earth. On each single arm rests the liberty of millions. On each patriotic deed depends the happiness of thousands. On each generous resolve hangs the fate of nations. This is no exaggerated description, heightened and coloured by imagination. Look abroad over the face of Europe; view the misery, distraction, despair and tyranny that precede or follow the desolating career of French ambition, and then turn to the refreshing prospect of British independence and heroism, nobly combating, alone, the successful myrmidons of the tyrant, and say, if ever cause was more glorious, if ever freedom was more to be prized than now. If I am not deceived in the view I take of her ann. our relative situation to the other states of Europe, and the dangers with which we are at present threatened, I do not know a state of more awful responsibility in which the ministers of this kingdom ever stood to God, to their King, and to their country. They have a terrible combat to sustain, that requires the full vigour and application of the greatest abilities, to come off with honour. If they cannot deserve the praise of capacity; for in the present emergency, no ordinary capacity can grasp and direct the mighty engine of this government with all its energy and effect; let them at least deserve the praise of magnanimity, by yielding up their stations and posts to those whose comprehensive minds and intrepid resolution, can plan and direct, and carry into execution, measures of such magnitude and extent as may ultimately both save, and place the nation in a state of absolute security. It is not by putting in motion one part or two of the defence of the country, by which we can reasonably hope to be extricated with họncur from the present contest. It is not by a recurrence to former precedents, limited in comparison to the magnitude of our present operations, that we shall baffle and humble our enemy. It is by bringing the whole nation, in all its parts, with all its energy force and power, to bear, first, upon the point of attack, and then upon the most assailable, and most vulnerable part of our opponent's possessions. It is not brute matter that our ministers have to work upon, nor is it the slavish, mechanical mind, that is taught to move in any direction its rulers please to give it but it is the free-born, noble mind of E. tish subjects, that requires both delica and address to win it; that, being wei, requires only candor and capacity to move it, with great effect, in any direction 10t hostile to freedom. The spirit of these who form the great strength of this country, is, I am persuaded, not sufficiently know, and, of course, not duly appreciated. is, alas! too frequently subjected to paty tyrants, ignorant, often, as they are weas, and brutish as they are wicked. Bu. t is capable of great efforts, of unceasing perseverance, of desperate resolution. The peasantry of this country are a hardy, bo and patient race: sober,temperate, stea iy; and unacquainted with false principlesei.hr of religion or government. They are, pehaps, of all descriptions of men of the same rank in any nation, the most intrligent, and the farthest removed for infidelity and dissipation of any kind. Such men are the real strength of the nation, though they stand not in such a prominent point of view as mechanics and manufacturers, who, united together in towns, easily take that impulse which example and curiosity never fail to have over men who follow the same pursuits and are guided by the same principles. Such were the men who conquered at Cressy and Agincourt; who had, in their ordinary pursuits, weathered the storms and tempests, and were seasoned to hardships and fatigues. Such are the men, who should above all others, be called out to the defence of their country.-I was rejoiced to find that the government were so wise as to pass an act for arming the country at large, and though the plan did not appear to me to be of that extensive kind which circumstances require, yet, I imagined, much might be done, with all its defects, if put in execution. I am sorry to find that they have relaxed from the measure of compulsion, and have limited their views to volunteers alone. For the defence of the country against a foreign invader, taking in every circumstance, the volunteers with the regular troops might be sufficient; but this, as I shall afterwards shew, is not the only thing which our mi nisters ought to have in view. This plan of mere internal defence is not what will secure us against French ambition. We may be alarmed, in the same state of preparation, for months, for years to come, while our enemy is every day becoming more powerful and more audacious. Our secu rity must depend upon great offensive operations. If the spirit and resources of this country had been broken by any signal calamity; if the nations upon the continent were with-held from attacking France by any thing but fear, I should be far from advising such a measure. But our spirit and resources are great beyond example; the nations upon the continent have more reason than ever to embrace every means and every opportunity to free themselves from the terror of a merciless and faithless foe. Let us suppose that His Majesty's ministers were sensible of this, and knew how to take advantage of, and properly employ, the strength and courage of the country. Ac cording to the system first adopted by par liament, every man of a certain description, within the bounds of a Parish or small district, was to be called upon to repair, at certain times, to a place appointed for learning his exercise. I do not suppose that any kind of compulsion would be necssary to draw out the strength of the country, provided the time appointed for learning the exercise was not in addition to their accustomed labours, but allowed them by their employers, without any diminution of their pay. Even the change of employment, and the pleasure of meeting together, would be considerable inducements. Great caution, I apprehend, would be necessary in the choice of drill serjeants to teach them their exercise. Men accustomed to a sober life would resent the bullying speeches and profane oaths of a set of officers, who foolishly imagine that big words and volleys of oaths add to their dignity and inspire fear. With all sober men, they inspire nothing but contempt, with all religious men aversion and horror. I am no puritan, but, I know something of the nature of man, and how such a mode of conduct would affect the peasantry of this country. Prejudice, it may be called by our modern fine gentlemen, but I would be sorry to see such prejudices eradicated from their minds.-Let us suppose, however, that the young men in a district are embodied, that they meet at stated periods to learn their exercise; and that in a short time they can perform the usual evolutions with considerable dexterity. This is all that can be expected of them by the provisions of the act. 1 speak as if it were to be carried into execution. But would this exercise make them good soldiers, capable of meeting and sustaining the shock of a regular army, accustomed to a variety of complicated movements, and extensive but closely connected operations? To effectuate this, something more is necessary. They ought to be accustomed to act together in a body. For this purpose, the different corps in each county, should all be required to attend upon a certain day at a convenient place, and be there inspected by the Gene. ral commanding in the district. They should be encamped for a few days. should be taught to act in concert, and to imitate, as nearly as possible, the evolutions of a regular army. By this means, they would soon become completely disciplined, and this nation would be as formidable by her military, as by her naval power. Such a time should be selected for calling out the different corps as would be least injurious to the interests of the country. Those festival days, for instance, that are usually spent in idleness and frivolity, might be employed to much better purpose and with much more satisfaction, in the hardy exercise of arms. Proper encouragement should be given for any extraordinary exertion, and some badges of honour, perhaps, bestowed, to stimulate the different corps to excel. A military and active spirit should be care They fully kept up, and strict discipline, on all occasions, enforced. The consequences of this plan may, I think, be obvious to all, The nation would become a military nation, without much expense, with very little loss of time, and without endangering the constitution. It is an extraordinary measure, and therefore the ministers seem to have startled at it, but these are extraordinary times, and call for no ordinary exertions. It would temper the commercial spirit to which we are too much inclined, and would infuse a life and vigour into the nation which it never felt before. But its effects would not terminate here. If the enemy does not attempt an immediate invasion, h object will be to weary us out, to keep us in a state of perpetual alarm, and to watch the time when discontent may break out among us. We shall, in the mean time, be forced to incur immense expense; we shall be burthened with oppressive taxes. The people, after their ardour is cooled, will begia to murmur, and the most fatal consequences may ensue. To obviate this, as far as human prudence can avail, the strictest economy ought to be practised. No superfluous waste, no needless offices, no unmerited pensions ought to remain as a burden upon the people. This would reconcile them to the necessity of measures: and it is what surely ought to be performed. The greatest encouragement should be given to enlist in the troops of the line. They ought to be augmented very considerably. On them all offensive operations must depend. The arming of the people will form a counterpoise to their strength for internal and legal security, and will give efficacy and effect to all their external operations. This, if I am not deceived, is the only way to save this nation, in the first instance, and to restore the balance of power in Europe. Our ministers seem, however, to be afraid of trusting the people with their own defence. If they are really convinced that Buonaparté will soon make an attack upon this country, why are they so slow and irresolute in their measures? Why are they so ill provided with every thing, and so dilatory in putting the country in a posture of defence, as if our enemy would wait until they should throw out a signal that they were ready to receive him? They talk perpetually of the magnitude of the danger without resorting to effectual means to oppose it. They call upon the country to support them without taking instant measures to organise it. The people, when they can purchase an exemption 1.om ser vice in the Militia or Army of Reserve, have recourse to this measure. They learn the urgency of the danger from the tone and preparation of the minister. Whenever he is remiss and dilatory, they become remiss and dilatory. If he is active and resolute, the nation soon catches the same spirit. But at present, the strength of the country is not brought into action; it is left rude and undisciplined. A general arming would reach to all; would prepare all for the combat. And should the French be desperate enough to hazard an attempt upon us, little doubt, I think, may be entertained of the issue. The continental powers ought to be timely prepared for such an event. Upon the ruin of the expedition against this country, and the consternation which would follow among the French armies, they ought to be prepared to begin an immediate attack upon France, and our ministry should have a great force ready to send over to the continent to second their attempts. We shall then be in no dread of a second invasion. Buonaparté will then find sufficient employment for his troops at home, or should he make the attempt, he would find our shores begirt with armed hosts ready to oppose him with the best hopes of success. The high and gallant character which the British troops formerly acquired upon the continent, and recently in Egypt, and the disasters of the French expedition, would both dismay the enemy and gain entire confidence from the continental powers, such, especially, whose interest it would be to co-operate with us towards rescuing themselves from slavery. By putting the confederacy under our management, and placing at the head of it, an experienced, active, intelligent conciliating officer, what is there that we might not effect? Not all the legions of the tyrant would be capable of resisting British valour, seconded by an indignant, injured people. There would be a noble field opened for military fame. Our generals and our soldiers would there acquire that character which can only be gained by active service, and which they never can acquire when cooped up within the verge of this island. By a powerful co-operation France might be driven within her ancient limits; the power and renown of her consular tyrant blasted: his laurels plucked from his brow by the hands of a vindictive soldiery, or an infuriated mob. The legitimate king might be restored to his throne, and all through the exertions of this coun try. She ought to be the primum mille to rouse the dormant powers of Europe. The alliance may be reasonably expected when they perceive the vigour and extent of our preparations to resist and harass the enemy. If Buonaparté fail in his attempts upon this country they will be forced into a war with France. His power depends upon opinion alone. When reverse of fortune shall have alienated from him the af fections of his soldiers, he will soon add another name to the long list of tyrants, who, for a short time usurped power, and fell by the very hands which had been most active in raising them to greatness.-I again repeat that our success, if not our salvation, depends upon a general armament of the people, and upon training them properly to the use of arms. The peasantry and labourers in this country must be employed in case of an invasion. Better, surely, would it be to prepare them beforehand for such an event, than have to call for their services in the hour of need, unprepared, scattered in all directions, and, perhaps, through a consciousness of their defenceless state, deterred from resisting an enemy. profession. But if they shew that courage which I know they possess; and if ever it should come to the dernier resort to rely upon their exertions, beware, lest in the hour of victory and under the direction of improper persons, they do not, with illegitimate arms, attempt to new model the constitution, and change the government of the kingdom. -In great and desperate struggles, boldness, and anticipation of an enemy's designs, under proper management prove generally decisive. Much of the success of the French, during the last war, may be attributed to those bold and original plans, which men of genius formed and conducted. In all our operations, as well as the weapons which we use, we are generally humble imitators. To what is this owing? Are there no men of genius in the nation, or do they not meet with that countenance and reward which their researches deserve? One cause, I believe, of our falling far behind the French in military tactics and improvements is, because our officers have little opportunity to exercise and cal forth their talents. They spend, for the most part, an inglorious life, carousing, and mingling in every fashionable, effeminating assembly. Too few of them possess education or industry necessary to adorn or rise in their profession. Let me be understood. I speak not of the generality, not of the whole collective body of military officers. There are some, who, I am credibly informed, and their actions speak it, are an honour to themselves and their "Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur "Atridæ." Edinburgh, 20 Aug. 1803. OBSERVATOR.* TO THE EDITOR. SIR,-In your last Number, where you have done me the honour to insert my letter to the Earl of Suffolk, I am sorry to observe a typographical error, which may wound the feelings of a meritorious, much-respectyou will be inclined to correct a mistake ed, and good officer, and I am confident which has arisen either from the illegibility of my writing, or the inadvertance of the printer. It was my intention to mention the Earl of Craven as an officer whose miwhose public achievements have not bitherto litary character is but little known, and With some few of the opinions contained in this letter we do not altogether concur.-EaiTOR. 4 DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. Letter from the SPEAKER of the HOUSE OF COMMONS, the Lords Lieutenant of Counties, inclosing the VOTE OF THANKS given by the House to the VOLUNTEERS. House of Commons, Aug. 10, 1803. My Lord,-By command of the House of Commons, I have the honour of transmitting to you their unanimous Vote of Thanks to the several Volunteer and Yeomanry Corps of the United Kingdom, for the promptitude and zeal with which, at a crisis the most momentous to their country, they have associated for its defence; accompanied with an order, that a return be prepued, to be laid before the House in the next Session of Parliament, of all Volunteer and Yeomancy Corps, whose services shall have been then accepted by his Majesty, describing each corps, in order that such return may be entered on the Journals of the House, and the patriotic example of such voluntary exertions transmitted to posterity-la communicating this resolution and order, I have the greatest satisfaction, at the same time, in bearing testimony to the confidence with which the House is impressed, that the same spirit and exemplary zeal will be exerted throughout the present cont est, until, with the blessings of Providence, it shall be brought to a glorious issue. I have the honour to be, &c. &c. To the Right Hon. Lord CHAS. ABBOT, Speaker. &c. &c. &c. NOTE OF THE EDITOR.-After correcting the mistake which our Correspondent points out, and which was not his but the printers', we still are not prepared to agree in the full extent with his remarks. The nobleman in question was, we are informed, a very creditable example of a young man quitting the enjoyments of rank and fortune, in order to embrace the hardships of a soldier's life; of which he seems to have taken, too, his full share. We remember to have oticed the name of Lord Craven, both upon the Continent, and in the West-Indies; and never heard, but that he served with perfect credit. To what degree persons of his description should be allowed a preference over the mere soldier of fortune, is a nice question. Something ought to be given to that principle, though commonly, in all likelihood, too much given. Upon the present instance we do not feel ourselves sufficiently informed to give any opinion. promptitude and zeal with which, at a crisis the most momentous to their country, they have associated for its defence.Ordered, nem, con. That a return be prepared to be laid before this House in the next Session of Parliament, of all Volunteer and Yeomanry Corps, whose services shall have been then accepted by his Majesty, describing each corps in order that such return may be entered on the Journals of this House, and the patriotic example of such voluntary exertions transmitted to posterity.Ordered, That Mr Speaker do signify the said resolutions and order by letter to his Majesty's Lieutenant of each County, Riding, and Place, in Great Britain, and to his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Letter from LORD HOBART to the LORD PROVOST of the CITY OF EDINBURGH, inclosing a Plan for a VOLUNTARY NAVAL ARMAMENT. [See Register, page 272.] Downing Street, Aug. 15, 1803. My Lord, I have the honour to transmit the outline of a plan for a Voluntary Naval Armament, for the protection of the coast, which has received the approbation of his Majesty's confidential servants, and which, it is believed, may be carried to an extent that would complete the security of the coast, under all circumstances, against any attempt on the part of the enemy, and be likewise productive of other beneficial consequences.I have particular satisfaction in acquainting you, that the East-India Company, the Corporation of the Trinity House, the Cinque Ports, the Proprietors of Lighters employed in the Foreign and Domestic Commerce of the Thames, and several of the Owners of Ships employed in the Coasting Trade, have already come to resolutions for carrying the proposed plan into execution. The importance of the Commerce of the Port of Leith, and the loyal and liberal spirit of its inhabitants, animated and encouraged by your active and well-directed zeal, afford the strongest ground of expectation, that this measure may derive essential assistance from the resources in men and shipping which that town possesses, and that, by means of a judicious application of those resources, the Coast of the County of Edinburgh may obtain that constant protection which, you must be aware, might not at all times be equally attainable by any other means.--I have the ho nour to be, &c. &c. &c. HOBART, To the Lord Provest of the City of Edinburgh, Letter from LORD HOBART to the LORDS LIEUTENANT f Counties. Dated Downing Street, August 15, 1803. My Lord, I am to request your lordship will inform me, with as little delay as possible, wh t quantity of arms will be necessary, in addition to those already in possession of the Yeomanry and Volunteers, to complete the number required for the several corps in the County of, already authorized by his Majesty - -The number of arms, either not returned to his Majesty's stores at the conclusion of the last war, or since deli vered to corps formed in the County of amounts, as far as has been ascertained by the Board of Ordnance, to ----Your lordship will understand it to be the intention of Govern ment, that the whole number of Volunteers now proposed to be armed, should not exceed six times the number of the Militia, exclusive of the Supplementary quota. Upon the receipt of |