The duke of Richmond, who had fignalized himself as a public and zealous patron of this fcheme, exprefsly fays, in his famous letter to colonel Sharman, chairman of the military convention at Dungannon, "that all plans of a merely fpeculative nature, not tending to the effectual recovery of their RIGHTS, neither could nor ought to influence the people in their favor." His grace, in conformity to these fentiments, declares, "that he did not think himself at liberty to speculate on the subject, for that every man not laboring under natural or moral dif ability had an inherent right of fuffrage paramount to all confiderations of civil or political expediency." To this new fpecies of divine right, therefore all the inferior and vulgar confiderations of public good, of public order, of peace, happiness, and rational fubordination, must bow with reverential awe; but it is evident that this inherent right of fuffrage cannot exist alone. It neceffarily involves in it a right to command, countermand, and difmiss their representatives at pleasure. If the people have an inherent abstract right to elect, then the exercife of this right must be determined by the fame abstract rules of political juftice-and an equal number of electors must return an equal number of reprefentatives; in other words, population is the fole bafis of representation-If therefore the metropolis be fuppofed to contain one fixth of the entire population of the kingdom, and the reprefentative body to confift of fix hundred individuals, London might on this abstract metaphyfical hypothefis plead an inherent indefeasible right to fend one hundred members to parliament. Other large and populous towns poffeffing a fimilar right to elect in the fame proportion, a combination of local and particular interefts would be formed, totally incompatible with the general interefts of the community. But where fhall we ftop? or how hall the monarchical or aristocratical parts of Our

conftitution

conftitution be maintained against these fovereign and indefeasible rights-thefe paramount and tranfcendent claims?

All these grofs and dangerous abfurdities, involving in them the most alarming confequences, proceed from the fatal error of confounding the power of the people with the liberty of the people. To liberty they have a right, fo far as it is promotive of happinefs; and to power fo far, and fo far only, as it is a fecurity to liberty. For, to the blind, capricious, and self-destructive will, even of the majority, it is ever lawful-nay more, it is in the highest degree laudable; it is indeed the pureft and noblest act of virtue at the greatest personal rifque, to oppofe the dictates of reafon, equity and juftice. Allowing, however, the full force of these general arguments, it could not be denied that the influence of the crown, firft fyftematically employed as an engine of government by fir Robert Walpole, had in this reign extended itself far beyond all its antient bounds and limits. Under that justly celebrated minifter alfo, this influence, however corruptly obtained, was upon the whole employed wifely and well; but fince the commencement of the NEW SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT, which was in fact no other than the old tory system revived and varnished, it had been perverted to the moft vile and pernicious purposes. It was no wonder, therefore, that a measure which was regarded as alone adequate to the effectual reduction of this influence should be pursued with zeal and ardor.

Early in the present year it was refolved by the city of London, affembled in common-hall, "that the unequal reprefentation of the people, the corrupt ftate of parlia ment, and the perverfion thereof from it's original inftitution, had been the principal caufes of the unjust war with America, and of every grievance of which the nation complained." Similar refolutions were paffed by the county of York, and many other counties and cities;

and

and after fo long and bitter an experience of the evils arifing from the prefent defective state of the representation, it would indeed have argued not fo much' a wife and well-weighed caution, as a reproachful excefs of political timidity in the nation to have hesitated in applying the most permanent and efficacious remedy. The motion of Mr. Pitt, though eloquently enforced by the mover, and fupported by Mr. Fox with a great difplay of difcrimination and judgment, was rejected, notwithstanding its prefent popularity, on a divifion, by a majority of 161 to 141 voices.

Hitherto the new miniftry, though compofed of diffonant and jarring materials, had conducted public affairs with at leaft the appearance of perfect and cordial unanimitythe earl of Shelburne in the upper house bringing forward the fame motions, and fupporting them by the fame general arguments as Mr. Fox in the lower. But an event now took place which was the fubject of deep and univerfal regret, and the confequences of which cannot be fufficiently deplored, in the death of the marquis of Rockingham, July 1, 1782, in the meridian of his age, and at the very height of his political reputation-the weight and influence attached to which, combined with the excellence of his private character, and the mild benignity of his manners, formed that power of attraction which held together the whole ministerial fyftem; and when this ceafed to operate, diforder, confufion, and mutual repulfion took place. The fplendor of the new constellation faded, and "certain ftars fhot madly from their spheres."

To drop all metaphorical and poetical allufion, it is neceffary to ftate in plain language, that, on the very day fucceeding the deceafe of the marquis of Rockingham, the earl of Shelburne was declared firft lord commiffioner of the treafury. The acceptance of this high and pre-eminent office, without any previous communication with his colleagues in adminiftration, was confidered by the Rock

ingham

ingham party as equivalent to a declaration of political hoftility on the part of lord Shelburne. It was in effect telling his allies that he conceived his influence in the cabinet to be fufficiently ftrong to enable him to ftand without their affiftance. It was evidently setting up a diftinct and oppofite intereft, depending upon the fecret affurances of royal favor and fupport. Precifely the fame reafons, which had induced the earl of Shelburne three months before to decline the offer then made, ftill exifted in full force; but he was no longer proof against temptation-though the experience of his illuftrious friend lord Chatham might have convinced him on how precarious a ground those minifters ftood who depended on courtly promises and profeffions for protection and fafety.

On this promotion, Mr. Fox refigned the feals as fecre tary of the northern department; lord John Cavendish his office as chancellor of the exchequer; the duke of Portland his government of Ireland, lord Althrop, lord Duncannon, Mr. Frederic Montague, &c. their feats at the board of treafury and admiralty; and Mr. Burke his post of paymaster of the army. In confequence of these refignations and removes, the feals of the fouthern department were given to the earl of Grantham; and of the northern to Mr. Thomas Townfhend, late fecretary at war;' fir George Young fucceeded Mr. Townshend; colonel Barré was made paymaster of the forces; and the lord advocate of Scotland, in his room, treasurer of the navy. The earl of Temple, eldest son of the late George Grenville, fucceeded the duke of Portland in the lord lieutenancy of Ireland; but the promotion which attracted most of the public attention was that of Mr. William Pitt, who, at the age of three-and-twenty, was conftituted chancellor of the exchequer; an office which had been always fuppofed to require, in order to its proper discharge, not so much brilliancy of talents, as long previous ftudy and experience, and confirmed habitudes of diligence and induftry.

It

It was evident from feveral of the late promotions that a mixture of the old leaven was again ominously introduced into the prefent whig adminiftration, to which, notwithftanding the late feceffion, the names of lord Camden, general Conway, the dukes of Grafton and Richmond, lord Keppel, and others, gave great refpectability—exclusive of the new premier himself, whofe public conduct had been uniformly confiftent and meritorious, who had never deviated in any inftance from the principles of genuine whiggifm, whofe political knowledge was extenfive, whose abilities were unquestionable, and whofe general rectitude of intention the public had no just ground to doubt. The only charge brought against the minifter, which feemed to make any confiderable impreffion, was that which ac cufed him of the habitual and fyftematic practice of a certain duplicity and finesse, which entirely precluded all open, ingenuous, and confidential intercourse.

In a few days fubfequent to his refignation, Mr. Fox ftated in the house of commons the grounds and reafons of his conduct. He faid, "that political differences of opinion had taken place of great importance in the cabinet, and that he had withdrawn himself from it to prevent that diftraction in the public counfels, which he conceived to be ruinous to the public welfare. He had reafon, he affirmed, to believe that the day was come when the fyftem on which the administration of lord Rockingham had been formed was to be abandoned, and a new fyftem was to be substituted, or rather the old one revived, with the affiftance of the old men, or indeed of any men that could be found.-NOR SHOULD HE WONDER IF IN A SHORT TIME, THEY WERE JOINED BY THOSE VERY PERSONS WHOM THAT HOUSE HAD PRECIPITATED FROM THEIR

SEATS. He therefore chofe to refign, voluntarily relinquifhing the pomps, the profits, and the patronage of office, as he could no longer continue in place with honor to himself, or benefit to the public."

General