1 had thought herself entitled to claim, and Britain in return had declared what she was willing to concede. Mr. Orde averred, that the amendments made by the British parliament to the original propofitions did not in reality interfere with the prosperity of Ireland. Wishing, however, to follow the example of mature deliberation given by England, it was his intention, after bringing in the bill and printing it, to paufe, in order to learn the fentiments of the country refpecting it. Let the houfe receive every petition that could be brought; let them liften to all the evidence that could be offered. On a comparison of the two fets of propofitions, the magnitude and importance of the alterations ftrikingly appeared. By the third of the English refolutions, Ireland was virtually interdicted, even after the expiration of the charter of the East India company, from exporting articles to England the growth and produce of any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the ftraits of Magellan. By the fame refolution, this interdiction was extended to arrack and foreign brandy; alfo to rums and other ftrong waters not imported from the British colonies in the Weft Indies. By the fourth refolution, it was declared to be highly ef fential that the laws for regulating trade and navigation fhould be the fame in both countries; and, for that purpofe, that all laws which have been made, OR SHALL BE MADE in Great Britain, fecuring exclufive privileges to the fhips and mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British colonies and plantations, and for regulating and reftraining the trade of the British colonies and plantations, fuch laws impofing the fame reftraints, and conferring the fame benefits on the fubjects of both kingdoms, fhould be in force in Ireland, BY LAWS to be paffed by the PARLIAMENT of that kingdom, for the SAME TIME and in the SAME MANNER as in GREAT BRITAIN. By the fifth refolution, this legiflative power of regulation and control was in like manner extended to all goods and commodities commodities imported into Ireland from the British or foreign colonies in Africa and America. By the fixth and feventh refolutions, the commercial intercourfe between the two kingdoms was incumbered with many burdenfome-and rigorous regulations refpecting bonds, cockets, certificates, &c. in order effectually to reprefs all illicit practices apprehended from the circuitous commerce granted to Ireland. By the eighth, the regulating power of Britain is extended to all goods exported from Ireland to the British colonies in the West Indies, America, or the coaft of Africa. By the ninth, Ireland is excluded, fo Jong as the charter of the Eaft India company fhall exift, from trading to any port beyond the Cape of Good Hope to the ftraits of Magellan; and during the continuance of the faid charter, no goods of the growth, produce, or manufacture of India fhall be allowed to be imported into Ireland but through Great Britain. By the fifteenth refolution, the bounties allowed by Great Britain on the exportation of beer to Ireland, and fpirits diftilled from corn, are exprefsly continued. By the fixteenth, it is provided, that all goods the produce of the North American ftates, which are fubject to higher duties on importation into Great Britain, than the like goods the produce of the British colonies-fuch articles fhall be fubject to the fame duties on importation into Ireland. These were the grand and leading features of difference between the old propofitions and the new: and fo great was the diffimilarity, that the Irish parliament seemed fcarcely to recognize the traces of its own original creation. A general fentiment of amazement and indignation feemed to pervade the house; and the FOURTH RESOLUTION in particular, by which England affumed a power of legislative regulation and commercial control with respect to Ireland, was rejected with a kind of horror, Mr. Grattan, who had fupported the propofitions in their primitive form, now exerted the whole force of his eloquence eloquence to expose them to public fcorn and deteftation. "What," faid this powerful orator, "is this pretended equitable arrangement but a plan to perpetuate to England all her advantages, and to Ireland all her difadvantages? Ireland is required to grant a monopoly of the trade of India to the prefent Eaft India company during its exiftence, and to Great Britain for ever after. This is not a furrender of the political rights of the country, but of the natural prerogatives of man-not of the privileges of parliament, but of the rights of nations. They were not to fail beyond the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan an awful interdict! other interdicts extended to a determined period of time, but here was an eternity of restraint. Other interdicts extended to particular places, for local reafons-but here regions of immense extent were indifcriminately forbidden, and the bounties which providence had given they were prohibited to enjoy. It resembled a judgment of GOD, rather than an act of legislature, whether they measured it by extent of fpace, or infinity of duration-and had nothing human about it except its prefumption. The principle of equal duties and equal reftrictions," Mr. Grattan faid, "did not conftitute an equality of participation, because the condition of the two countries was totally diffimilar. Suppofing Great Britain, in order to answer the exigency of fome future war, or to fund her present debt, should raife her colony duties ftill higher; Ireland must follow, not because the wanted the tax, but left her exemption from taxes fhould give her manufactures any comparative advantage. Irish taxes were to be precautions against the prosperity of Irish manufactures. Nay, worse than this the propofitions in question would make English jealoufy the barometer of Irifh taxes. The exclufion of foreign plantation produce would have feemed fufficient for every purpose of power and dominion; but, for the purpose of aggravation and infult, the independent ftates of America were were moft ungraciously brought into the arrrangement, and expressly named as if North America continued a part of the British dominions. This was called a system of conceffion and compenfation; but," faid Mr. Grattan, "the people of Ireland, without compensation, obtained a colony trade, a free trade, the government of their army, the extinction of the unconstitutional powers of the council, the restoration of the judicature of their lords, and finally, the independence of their legiflature. Let them fee now what they obtain by compenfation:-A covenant not to trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope and the ftraits of Magellan ;-a covenant not to take foreign plantation produce,-not to take American produce but as Great Britain fhall permit ;-a covenant not to take British plantation produce but as Great Britain should prescribe;-a covenant never to protect their own manufactures, never to guard the primum of those manufactures. Surely fome God prefided over the welfare of Ireland, who made it wisdom to fulfil their duty, and who annexed the penalties of folly as well as infamy to the furrender of their privileges. From the confideration of commerce," faid this animated orator, “ I proceed to a question much more high and inestimable -before which the ideas of protecting duties, of reciprocal duties, of countervailing duties, vanish into nothing, and by the tendencies of which, the prudence of every head and the energies of every heart are called forth to fhield the newly-acquired rights of a nation fo long depreffed, and fo recently and wonderfully emancipated. If any body of men could think the Irish constitution incompatible with the unity of the British empire, a doctrine which he abjured as fedition against both, he would anfwer, perish the empire, live the conftitution!' No transfer of legislative authority could be made. They, the limited trustees of delegated power, born for a particular purpose, confined to a particular line, and bearing an inviolable relationship to the people who fent nant. fent them to parliament, could not break that relationship, counteract that purpofe, and furrender, diminish, or derogate from thofe privileges they lived but to preserve. The propofitions granted a perpetual money bill-a money bill to continue as long as Great Britain fhall please, with a covenant to increase it as often as the fhall require. The trade and the purfe of the nation were alike in covePafs this bill, and they had no conftituents; their constituents had no reprefentatives :--they were the mere register of the British parliament, and the equalizer of British duties. But have you traced the map of the globe? Have you marked there the countries, the right of trading to which you are to furrender for ever? Have you furveyed the fettlements of the feveral European nations in Afia, in Africa, in America? Have you confidered the ftate of North America-its prefent fituation, its future growth, and every incident in the endless fucceffion of time that may attend that nurfe of commerce and ASYLUM OF MANKIND? Are you competent to declare, that a free trade to those vast regions will never in the efflux of time tend to the advancement of the interefts of Ireland? If you poffefs fatisfactory information upon this fubject, it must be by inspiration, not by knowledge.-Let us then guard our free trade and free conftitution as our only real refources. They are the refult of great virtue, of much perfeverance, and the fource to this houfe of immortal honor. Let us preferve uncontaminated to the latest generations the dignity of parliament, the majefty of the people, and the imperial fovereignty of the Irish 'crown and nation." The feelings of the parliament and of the people of Ireland were on this fubject in perfect unifon. Scarcely could the great and acknowledged talents of Mr. Fitzgibbon obtain him any fhare of attention when he rofe to speak in vindication of a measure fo fupremely obnoxious. If England relaxed her navigation laws in favor of Ireland, fhe had a right, Mr. Fitzgibbon affirmed, to expect to be followed by her in a code of laws which had been the |