tional. On the afcertainment of the fact refpecting the incapacity of the fovereign, Mr. Connolly noved, February 11, 1789, "That an addrefs be prefented to the prince of Wales, requesting him immediately to take upon himself the government of that kingdom as regent, during the continuance of the king's incapacity." This was carried WITHOUT A DIVISION. To this refolution the houfe of lords acceded. But the lord lieutenant, the marquis of Buckingham (late earl Temple), refufing, by a rash and hazardous exercife of difcretion, to tranfmit this addrefs to England, commiffioners were appointed by both houfes to prefent the addrefs in perfon to his royal highness. The rapid and unexpected recovery of the king, happily fuperfeded the object of their commiffion. But the prince in his reply declared, "that nothing could obliterate from his memory the fentiments of gratitude which he felt for their generous kindness.”

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Among the innumerable evils attending the mode of procedure adopted by the British parliament, one of the moft formidable was the poffible, and even probable, diffimilarity of the decisions of the two legiflatures. Had the prince of Wales refufed, under the degrading circumstances with which the offer of the regency was accompanied in England, to accept the government of the kingdom, there is good reason to believe that it would have been conferred upon the queen, while the prince would have been conflituted regent of Ireland, with the ufual powers of royalty. This would doubtlefs have given rife to a queftion of the most important, and at the fame time of the most difficult nature, viz. Whether Ireland, agreeably to the political compact fubfifting between the two countries, could conftitutionally emancipate herself from the executive government eftablished in England, under whatever name, or by whatever perfons it might be exercised? Of this perplexing and dangerous question, the prudence of the prince in accepting of the regency under all the con

comitant

comitant humiliating restrictions of parliament, fortunately precluded not only the investigation, but even the

mention.

In the fpeech delivered by the chancellor in the name of the king to the two houfes, his majefty conveyed to them his warmest acknowledgments for the additional proofs they had given of their attachment to his person, and their concern for the honor and intereft of his crown. It foon appeared that the late proceedings of the ministry were in the highest degree acceptable to the fovereign : and those perfons holding pofts under the government, who had concurred in the measures of the oppofition, were unceremoniously difmiffed from their offices: amongst whom were the marquis of Lothian, the duke of Queenfberry, lord Carteret, and lord Malmesbury.

Before the first aufpicious moments of gratulation had fubfided, Mr. Fox renewed his popular motion for the repeal of the fhop tax, to which Mr. Pitt did not, in the prefent circumstances, choose any longer to refuse his affent; though he declared he had heard nothing in the way of argument, which induced him to change his original opinion. He accordingly moved an omiffion of that part of the preamble to the bill of repeal, by which the tax was pronounced a partial and oppreffive impofition, militating against the juft principles of taxation.

Mr. Dempfter at the fame time moved for a repeal of the hawkers and pedlars tax, which was originally imposed on the extraordinary ground of its operating as an indemnity to the fhopkeeper; thus facrificing one class of men to the convenience and accommodation of another. A total repeal of this law nevertheless could not be obtained; but a bill paffed to explain and amend the act, by which the more onerous claufes were mitigated, and these friendlefs and injured people reftored in fome measure to their civil and commercial rights.

A motion

A motion of much greater importance was introduced foon after this (May 8), by Mr. Beaufoy, being a renewal of the application two years ago fubmitted to the house, for the repeal of the corporation and test acts; "prompted, as he faid, thereto by the unalterable confidence which the diffenters repofed in the difpofition of the house to do juftice to the injured, and afford relief to the oppreffed. And they could not forget how frequently the legiflature had granted the requests, which caufelefs alarms had at firft induced them to refufe."

This motion was fupported by Mr. Fox with a force of argument which could not but make fome degree of impreffion on the most callous and prejudiced mind. This great ftatefman laid it down as a primary axiom of policy, "that no human government had jurisdiction over opinions as fuch, and more particularly over religious opinions. It had no right to prefume that it knew them, and much lefs to act upon that prefumption. When opinions were productive of acts injurious to fociety, the law knew how and where to apply the remedy. If the reverfe of this doctrine were adopted, if the actions of men were to be prejudged from their opinions, it would fow the feeds of everlasting jealoufy and diftruft; it would give the most unlimited fcope to the malignant paffions; it would incite each man to divine the opinions of his neighbor, to deduce mischievous confequences from them, and then to prove that he ought to incur difabilities, to be fettered with reftrictions, to be haraffed with penalties.

"From this intolerant principle had flowed every fpecies of party zeal, every fyftem of political perfecution, every extravagance of religious hate. It was an irreverent and impious opinion to maintain, that the church muft depend for fupport as an engine or ally of the state, and not on the evidence of its doctrines, and the excellency of their moral effects. Moderation and indulgence to other

fects

fects were equally conducive to the happiness of mankind and the fafety of the church.

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"Since the æra of the revolution the church had flourifhed, becaufe her imaginary fears had been diffipated. She had improved in knowledge and candor, because, inftead of being enabled to impofe filence on the diffenters by the strong hand of power, fhe had been obliged to hear their arguments; and the community at large had found the happy effects, which a collifion of opinions in open and liberal difcuffion, among men living under the fame government, never fails to produce. There were many men not of the establishment, to whofe fervices their country had a claim. Surely a citizen of this defcription might be permitted without danger or absurdity to fay, though I diffent from the church, I am a friend to the constitution; and on religious fubjects I am entitled to think and act as I pleafe.' Ought the country to be deprived of the benefit fhe might derive from the talents of fuch men, and his majefty be prevented from difpenfing the favours of the crown except to one defcription of his fubjects? Mr. Fox declared himself a friend to an establishment of religion in every country, framed agreeably to the fentiments of the majority of its inhabitants. But to inveft that establishment with a monopoly of civil and religious privileges, was palpably unjust, and remote from the purpose of an establishment, which was no otherwife connected with the ftate, than as it tended to promote morality and good order among the people. The teft and corporation acts had fubfifted, it was contended, for more than a century. True; but how had they fubfifted? By repeated fufpenfions. For the indemnity bills were, literally speaking, annual acts. Where then would be the impropriety of fufpending them for ever by an act of perpetual operation ?-Let not Great Britain be the last to avail herself of the general improvement of the human understanding

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understanding. Indulgence to other fects, a candid refpect for their opinions, a defire to promote charity and good-will, were the beft proofs that any religion could give of its divine origin. To the church of England in particular he would fay,

( Tuque prior, tu parce genus qui ducis Olympo.'

Such are the noble and exalted fentiments which have long elevated Mr. Fox to the rank of the first statesman of his age and nation. The motion of Mr. Beaufoy was zealously oppofed by lord North, in a speech confisting, as it was justly defcribed by a member of the house in debate, of "a feries of pompous nothings."

Mr. Pitt alfo again appeared as its opponent, in an ar tificial harangue decorated with a great external shew of candor and specioufnefs of language. On a division the numbers, were ayes 104, noes 124; fo that this important question-important indeed even beyond what the minifter himself probably had at this period any conception of-was loft by 20 voices only. This therefore might be regarded as a decided victory on the part of the diffenters, had they known how to improve their advantage. But their refentment against the court and the minifter was not at all abated by the soft and foothing expreffions by which Mr. Pitt attempted to disguise and palliate his refufal and the ground they had gained in despite of the courtly machinations against them, excited a degree of elation, which led to grofs and fatal indifcretions.

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About this time a bill of a nature very meritorious was introduced into the houfe of peers by lord Stanhope, for the repeal of a number of obfolete and vexatious laws, inflicting penalties upon perfons abfenting themselves from the fervice of the church, fpeaking in derogation of the book of common prayer, &c.

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