hoftility and war. The first prefident of the parliament, in the name of that affembly, informed the king that the parliament would acknowledge no authority which infringed on the complete exercise of their prerogatives. The parliament of Rouen pronounced the edicts in queftion to be null and void, and all perfons affifting in the execution of them to be traitors to the nation; and for this daring act of patriotifm lettres de cachet were immediately executed against them. The parliaments of Rennes, of Grenoble, and of Metz, diftinguifhed by their zeal in the fame cause, were in like manner ordered into banifhment. Great bodies of the military were in motion; and every step taken on the part of the court indicated a refolution to persevere in the plan of coercion, when, on the fudden, the courage of the king and his ministers once more totally failed them; and an order of council was published, Auguft 8, fixing the convocation of the states to the first of May 1789, and SUSPENDING during the interval the inftitution of the COUR PLENIERE.

On the 16th of August a second arret of council was promulgated, avowing the inability of the court to answer the ordinary demands upon the royal treasury; and directing the future payments to be made partly in money, and partly in notes bearing an intereft of five per cent. This was regarded as a direct act of bankruptcy; and the clamor, confufion and confternation which ensued were fo great, that the archbishop of Touloufe, no longer able to refift the torrent, thought proper to refign his office after an administration of little more than a year, distinguished by its inconfiftency, imbecility, and temerity. To confole him in his difgrace, he was tranflated to the rich archiepifcopal fee of Sens, and decorated with the Roman purple.

The voice of France called aloud for the re-instatement of M. Necker, who was now a second time placed at the head of the finances. The reputation of the new mini

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fter operated as a fort of charm. By the adoption of wife measures adapted to the prefent exigencies, the immediate embarrassments of government were removed. All eyes were now turned to the approaching convocation of the ftates general, previous to which a fecond convention of the notables was held (October 5, 1788) in order to determine feveral important queftions that had arifen relative to the formation of the affembly of the ftates. It appeared to be nearly the unanimous opinion of the notables, that it fhould be conftructed on the model of the laft affembly convened in 1614; and a doubt was even fuggested, whether any power fhort of that of the states general deliberating in the antient manner by the eftablished orders of nobles, clergy, and the tiers etat, could fuperinduce upon it any material alteration. The notables were diffolved on the 12th of December 1788.

The final decifion of the court was at length made known by a decree of council, dated 27th of December: by which it was determined, that the number of deputies to the enfuing ftates general fhould not fall fhort of one thousand; that it fhould be apportioned with all practicable accuracy to the population and financial contributions of the different bailliages: and that the reprefentation of the tiers etat should be equal to the sum of the reprefentations of the other two orders-a conceffion eagerly defired by the nation, and attended with the most important confequences.

At length, on the 5th of May 1789, a day ever me morable in the annals of France, and of the world, the affembly of the states general met at Verfailles, and the fellion was opened by a fpeech from the king, couched in terms of patriotic and paternal regard, fuch as princes well know upon occafion how to adopt. Although the exceffive repugnance of the court to the adoption of this measure had been most notorious, his majesty congratulated the affembly on the arrival of the day which he had

fo

fo long panted to fee. "The public fpirit," faid the monarch," is in a ferment, but an affembly of the reprefentatives of the nation will certainly hearken to no other counfels than thofe founded on juftice and wisdom. Whatever may be expected from the most tender folicitude for the public good, whatever can be afked from a fovereign the fincereft friend of his people, you may, you ought to hope from me." At this period, no doubt, the court was ready to fubmit to the neceffity, which it could not but recognize, of making great and permanent conceflions for the fatisfaction of the nation, and the reftoration of the public tranquillity. But to afcribe to the monarch the most distant idea of a voluntary departure from the antient and established prerogatives of fovereignty, would be the extreme of weakness and credulity.

The firft object of the ftates was the "verification of their powers." This ceremony the tiers etat infifted, to the aftonishment of the fuperior orders, could only take place in a common assembly, voting not by orders, but by poll. The admiffion of this pretenfion involved in it no less than the abfolute fubverfion of the antient constitution of the states; and it was refifted in the strongest manner by the fuperior orders, as a flagrant ufurpation. On the other hand, the tiers etat plainly perceived that the antient mode of voting by orders would reduce them, the real representatives of the people, to whom it peculiarly appertained to establish freedom in France, to mere ciphers.

After fix weeks of inaction, the tiers etat, at the suggestion of the abbé Syeyes (June 17), took the daring and decifive ftep of declaring itself the legislative body, by the appellation of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, and proceeded to the verification of their powers.

On the 19th of June, the chamber of the clergy paffed a refolution, importing their acquiefcence in this decifion. Alarmed in the highest degree at the fituation of affairs, the monarch held on the 23d a royal feffion, in which he

pro

proposed a plan of government, liable indeed to many objections, but containing the great outlines of a free conftitution. Agreeably to this plan, the distinction of orders was preserved, allowing them nevertheless to debate in common on emergent occafions, with the royal approbation. In fine, the king declared, in virtue of his royal authority, the proceedings of the 17th null and voidand ordered the deputies immediately to feparate. This Iwas the decifive moment. An unreferved obedience to the order of the king would have rendered them contemptible in their own eyes, and in thofe of the nation, which had received with unbounded acclamation the refolution reprobated by the monarch. The question to be determined was, whether they would be fatisfied to accept from the royal benignity the imperfect and precarious boon now offered? or whether, at the imminent risque of their lives and fortunes, they would make one grand effort to establish a conftitution founded on the eternal and immutable principles of equal and perfect freedom? Impelled by a glorious and refiftlefs enthufiafm, they hesitated not for a moment which of these alternatives to embrace. When the king retired, he was followed by all the nobles and a part of the clergy: the commons alone remained motionless on the benches. The marquis de Brezé, grand master of the ceremonies, addreffing himself to the prefident, M. Bailli, faid, "SIR, you know the orders of the king:"-to which the prefident with Roman dignity replied, "the people of France in their collective capacity have no orders to receive." And M. Mirabeau, a member highly diftinguished in the fequel by his talents and eloquence in the affembly, ftarting up, added, "go tell your mafter, that we are here by the power of the people, and that nothing shall expel us but the bayonet."

On their next meeting, the affembly were joined by the majority of the clergy, and forty-nine members of the nobility, with the duke of Orleans at their head; and on

the

the 27th, at the express inftance of the king, agreeably to his characteristic inconftancy, by the remaining members of the fuperior orders; though the duke of Luxemburgh predicted, as it is faid, to the monarch," that from the day the states fhould vote by numbers only, from that moment he was at their mercy."

The affent of the king was however false and hollow. An army of 35,000 men, collected from various parts, were stationed under the command of marshal Broglio in the vicinity of Versailles and Paris. Camps were marked out for a ftill greater force, and lines of fortification drawn. A moft fpirited remonftrance was presented to the king by the affembly, requesting, or rather infisting upon the removal of the troops. This was peremptorily refused; but his majesty declared his willingness to indulge the affembly by a removal of their fittings to Soiffons, a fituation far more commodious for the purposes of the court.

On the 11th of July M. Necker was fuddenly difmiffed, and ordered to depart the kingdom in twenty-four. hours; and with him his friend M. Montmorin, minifter for foreign affairs. In the difgrace of M. Necker the affembly faw their own ruin determined: and they paffed a refolve, that the late ministers carried with them the confidence and regret of the nation. But the popular enthufiafm having now reached its height, a most astonishing infurrection took place at Paris on the 14th of July, in which the castle of the bastille was carried by ftorm; the foldiery refusing to obey the orders of their officers, and many joining the affailants.

The monarch, aftonished and intimidated at these proceedings, once more varied his policy; and, appearing in perfon the next day in the national affembly, declared "he had iffued orders for the immediate removal of the troops." A burft of joy and acclamation fucceeded; and it was now at last hoped, that the monarch, fenfible of the evil counfels by which he had been deceived and mifled, would

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