upon foreign merchandise; borrowing money on the credit of the United States, &c. These powers being granted to Congress, the states cannot exercise them.

The Constitution,* with Explanatory Remarks.

In this Chapter, the Constitution is printed in Italic.

PREAMBLE.

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States of America.

The first object of the Constitution, as set forth in the preamble, is "to form a more perfect union." The necessity of a union of the states, more perfect than had before existed, had been taught by experience. How could separate states protect themselves from the aggressions of foreign foes? How could small states sustain themselves against large ones-as Rhode Island against New York? these and many other considerations, a more perfect union was necessary; and as this is obtained by the Constitution, we ought to cherish it as one of the most essential blessings of our social condition.

For

*It has been objected to the Constitution that it was not preceded by a "Bill of Rights," as is the fact with most of the state constitutions. The Declaration of Independence, and the Declaration of Rights by Congress in 1794, may be regarded as setting forth the great principles of liberty, sustained in the Constitution (See Appendix.)

The second object is to "establish justice." To establish justice, is indeed the great object of all good government. Without justice there can be no true freedom, no secure enjoyment of our rights. But how can the Constitution of the United States aid in the establishment of justice? Do not the state courts secure this? Not in all cases. Foreigners could not be secure of justice in the individual states; nor could the citizens of one state be secure in another. Experience had taught this, and therefore it became a leading object, in the formation of the Constitution, to establish justice on a broad and liberal basis, so that all who came within the scope of our government might find shelter and protection.

The next object is "to ensure domestic tranquillity;" that is, to ensure the states against the intrigues of foreign nations; against domestic jealousy and commercial rivalry; against disputes and dissensions of all kinds; against factions and insurrections. These are objects of the highest consideration, and the necessity of providing some means of averting such evils, had been shown by the bitter lessons of history.

The next object is "to provide for the common defence." It has been often remarked, that to ensure peace we must be prepared for war. It was therefore indispensable that the general government should have power to levy armies, sustain a navy, erect fortifications, &c. How could these things be done, except by placing them in the charge of the national government? The separate states could not carry on war against foreign nations, for any one would be borne down in the contest. The only effectual mode of pro

viding for the common defence, was to give up the whole matter to the management of the national government.

The next object is "to promote the general welfare." It might be thought that the separate state governments could do this; but they have in fact neither the means nor the power. They have not the resources; for they cannot conveniently raise the money to carry on war, to support navies, to sustain fortifications and garrisons. · Nor have the separate states the means of enforcing upon each other that harmony of action, which is indispensable, in order to promote the general welfare. A particular state must look after the particular interests of its people: it is only by a general government that the general welfare can be secured.

The last object of the Constitution, as set forth in the preamble is, "to secure the blessings of liberty to us and our posterity." In another part of this work I have endeavored to set forth the nature of liberty, and the necessity of it to the enjoyment of life. To obtain its blessings, was the great object of the war of the revolution; to perpetuate its blessings, is the great design of the Constitution; to diffuse its blessings, should be the desire of every American citizen.

We should, however, always bear in mind what is meant by liberty-civil liberty-that liberty which is compatible with law. True liberty does not give us perfect freedom; it only allows us to do, to think, to feel, as we please, so far, and so far only, as we do not injure others. We can best show our love of liberty, by observing the laws, sustaining good government, and doing jus

tice to our fellow-men. Justice is liberty; injustice is tyranny.

The Constitution consists of seven articles, and thirteen amendments. The first article relates to Congress, to which it assigns all Legislative power: the second relates to the President, and vests in him the Executive power: the third relates to the Judiciary, and vests in this the Judicial power. It will therefore be perceived, that here is a distribution of the several powers of government, as I have before stated.

ARTICLE I.

SEC. I. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Here it will be seen that the legislative power is wholly vested in Congress, which is to consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

SEC. II.-1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year, by the people of the several states; and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.

We here notice that the representatives are to be chosen by the people, the object being to obtain such persons as will represent, or express, the views and wishes of the people. Here lies the great principle of our liberty. In voting for our representatives, we express our wishes as to the measures we desire to see adopted by the national legislature.

2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and bcen seven

years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state in which he shall be chosen.

This refers to the qualifications of a representative. He must be twenty-five years old, so as to ensure maturity of mind and a degree of experience; he must be a citizen of the United States, for we could not trust foreigners to make our laws; and he must live in the state he is to represent, else how can he know the interests, wants, and wishes of the people?

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, threefifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative: and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, one; Connecticut, five; New York, six; New Jersey, four; Pennsylvania, eight; Delaware, one; Maryland, six; Virginia, ten; North Carolina, five; South Carolina, five; and Georgia, three.

This lays down a principle, by which we may decide how many representatives a state shall have; and when direct taxes are laid, how much each state shall pay. It provides for taking a