not every boy and girl in our country be instructed in the nature and history of that government which our fathers founded, and which gives protection to the people, and looks to the people for support. What right have we-parents, guardians, teachers, citizens-to set the seal of darkness, of ignorance, upon the minds of children, in respect to this great subject, either by withholding or interdicting the means of light, in those institutions, where alone most of them can obtain it? There is another point of great importance to be considered. The conviction is very general, that, by some means or other, morality and politics are in a state of divorce among a large portion of our political leaders. The monstrous doctrine that "all is fair in politics" is supposed extensively to prevail; and most of the profligacy we observe, most of the corruption, intrigue, selfishness, and destitution of patriotism, so notorious in high places, are imputed to the currency of this false and wicked philosophy. Ought not something to be done especially, to stay these mighty evils; something to teach the truth, that honesty is the best policy in government, as well as everything else—a concern in which we are all partners? Shall a few of the partners be permitted to swindle all the rest out of their share of the profits, and nothing be done, but to fold the hands in imbecile submission? If something need be done, to remedy this great evil, how can it be better done than by beginning in that universal seminary-the common school; that seminary, which imparts to far the largest part of the community, all that can be technically called education? Why shall we not begin in the way by which we may reach all, and with the most lasting effect? Under the idea that this book may be introduced into our common schools, I have therefore sought to set forth the necessity of honesty in politics; hoping to do something to restore to favor that good old word, "so weary stale and unprofitable" to hack politicianspatriotism. With these brief suggestions, I commit this humble work to the charity of the public, remarking, that in its preparation-being aware of the delicate task I have undertaken-I have earnestly sought not to write a line or sentence, with a view to party effect. I have endeav ored not to cast a favoring hue or a disparaging shade upon either side of controverted questions. That I have wholly escaped error, real or apparent, is not to be hoped. If anything wrong be discovered, I shall esteem it a favor on the part of any one who will point it out to me, and I pledge myself to give it due consideration, if this work shall ever come to a second edition. CONTENTS. PAGE. 7 XIV. Equality, XV. Cívil Government, XXXIV. Rome Divisions of the People, 80 84 91 93 98 XXXVIII. France-continued. The Revolution, XXXIX. Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, XLI. Present state of the British Empire, XLII. Government of Great Britain, XLIII. Legislature and Judiciary of Great Britain, XLIV. Other Governments of Europe, XLV. Discoveries in America, &c., XLVI. The establishment of the English Colonies, XLVII. General remarks on Colonies, &c., XLVIII. Revolutionary Government of the United States, L. Origin of the Constitution, LI. Preliminary Remarks on the Constitution, The Constitution, with Explanatory Remarks, As soon as a child is of sufficient age to make observations, he perceives that he is guided and controlled by persons around him. He is required by his parents to perform certain actions, and is forbidden to perform certain others. Thus, the first idea of government is obtained; it is that of a power which influences, guides, and controls actions; a power that prohibits and prevents cer |