K. for a long time has been made uneafy by the following feries of cabals and difputes amongst his minifters.-In the first place, it is generally believed that the Favourite, by his influence with the K. became the prime caufe of the difagreement in council with Mr. P. in which he was joined by the D of B whofe pride was hurt by Mr. P.'s fuccefs, and by others ⚫ who hated Mr. P. for the fame reasons. Their joint opposition to him who was deferted by G. G. and only feconded by lord T. was the occafion of his refigning the feals. The fcramble for power and places was then principally and privately fettled by lord B. who was then looked upon as prime minifter, and became refponfible for all the confequent measures. But his administration foon became fo odious to the nation, that he thought it neceffary to retire apparently from public bufinefs. After an ineffectual endeavour to perfuade Mr, P. to take the conduct of affairs into his hands, G. G. was pitched upon to fucceed at the head of the treafury; by these measures augmenting his va nity, though it did not fatisfy his ambition, and artfully making the breach still wider between G. G. Mr. P. and lord T. More effectually to cover his retreat. and fecure a majority in the H. of C.'s, he permitted the D. of B. to imagine himfelf and fubalterns the principal and leading part of the miniftry. This change the K. was made to believe would conciliate the minds of the people, and compensate for the want of Mr. P. but the fuccefs was not answerable to the expectations, for this fet of men, either pliable to lord B.'s artful management, or as incapable as himself, perfifting in the fame pernicious measures and conduct of our foreign and domestic concerns, became equally difliked and difapproved of by the bulk of the nation: Yet, pluming themselves on the majority they had in the H. of C's, and carrying every thing with fo high a hand, which Mr. G. vainly attributed to his abilities, and the D. of B. to his great property and confequence, they began to imagine they had intereft and power not only to counteract, but likewife to expel the Favourite from the councils, and even the prefence of the K. Hence arofe a fecond series of difputes, intrigues, and cabals, that determined his My to get rid of them all; and not being ignorant how high in the people's esteem his R. H. the D. of C. when living was, and Mr. P. is held; advised with the former what measures he fhould take to free himself from fo irksome a fituation, and prevail on Mr. P. once more to take upon him the administration. His R. H. who, for a long time had lived retired, re-* gardless of the flights he had met with, ardent in his affection to his family and native country, undertook the important task of conciliating Mr. P. to his M-y's defires, and fettling by that means fuch a miniftry as would be permanent and fatisfactory to both K. and people.-In this he had fucceded; when all the meafures concerted with Mr. P. were broken by lord T.'s refufal to come into them without affigning any reafons for fuch conduct. But though he has not thought fit openly to avow them, and difguifes them under a pretence of the Favourite's ftill continuing to have the fame influence as formerly. Yet from the infinuations towards the end of the pamphlet which defends his conduct, we have been able to discover and explain his real motives. Upon this difappointment of his m―y's defires and expectations, the cabal became imperious, and thought of nothing less than dictating every thing in cabinet, council, and parliament. But the K. who with all the mildness of his nature, inherits the spirit of his glorious ancestors, became more refoTutely determined to difmifs these perturbators of his and the public peace than ever; and fince he could not have Mr. P. fixed upon thofe men for his minifters whose behaviour in parliament had obtained the approbation and affection of the people, whofe integrity was undoubted, whofe abilities were at least equal to any in the cabal, and whofe attachment to him and his family had been demonftrated by their actions. Such is the prefent miniftry, who would have been glad to have come in with Mr. P. and co-operate with him in any station his majesty would have thought proper to have employed them in. But he remaining inflexible from lord T's interpofition, rather than abandon his my to infults, and their country to diftrefs, by the ill behaviour and misconduct of the cabal, they have attempted the arduous taik (if not of rectifying the mistakes of the late miniftry) at leaft of preventing their ill confequences, and of reconciling the good opinion of the nation to his m―y's councils. The HE balance of trade with the Ame- " Hicab colonies, this writer fuppofes The Neceffity of repealing the American mafters, the new minifters." "These Stamp-Act demonftrated; or, a Proof" are not, he lays, what might reasona that Great Britain must be injured by "ably be expected from the panegyrift that A&t. In a Letter to a Member of " of a miniftry; conftitutional knowthe House of Commons. "ledge, intelligence in bufinefs, wisdom "and vigour in foreign afrs, œcono"ments; there are some of the qualificaand integrity in dom fit arrange-. to have long been half a million annually "tions the nation would wish in miniin favour of Great Britain. The ftamp" fters; he has not even claimed them; and other duties proposed to be levied he could not fupport the ridicule of upon the colonists, he rates at 300,000l. "ufing words like thefe on their fubject. annually, to be paid in gold and filver; "The only merits he gives to them are, 300,000!. is more than all the circulating cafh in the colonies amounts to; this cannot be paid and the British merchants too; therefore, if the trade with the colonies is to be continued, the stamp-act muft, of neceffity, be repealed. He calculates, that, to maintain a ballance of half a million in our favour, 200,000 manufacturers must be continually at work upon various forts of manufactures for the colonies; and that if the grievances complained of should be continued three parts at least of these manufacturers must be deprived of employment, the confequences of which will be very foon feverely felt in thefe kingdoms. He adds, that the bare apprehenfion of the ftamp-act, with the addition of a few government cutters, have done more in one year to promote American manufactures, than the natural progrefs of arts, with all the additioaal arguments of frugality, would have produced in an hundred years.-This is a very affecting truth!-The editor has been thewn the difference between the exports of one merchant in the year 1761, and the exports of the fame merchant in the year 1765, the orders in both years being fulfilled; in the former they exceeded 100,000/. in the latter they fell short of 26,000l. and was told that the deficiency was in like proportion through out the whole trade. that they hate and are hated by lord "B. and approved by Mr. P." Both which affertions the writer endeavours to prove falfe. But what is of more importance to the public to know, he affures us, that in the course of the late adminiftration, when Mr. Gle undertook the government, it was by public and authentic declarations that he himfelf fhould be responsible for all his meafures; but that among these, a support of general warrants, and a new extension of the excife laws, are to be reckoned, this anfwerer fays, is abfolutely falfe. On general warrants he never declared any public opinion; all that he contended for, was, that, if they were illegal, the common course of justice was equal to their fuppreffion; and, as to the extenfion of excife laws, though three-fourths of the kingdom may look upon him as the author of the cyder-act, he only gave his affent to it because no other method was propofed for raising the money already voted; and that afterwards he oppofed the repeal of it, because it would have been leffening the fecurity of the public creditors. This writer, it was expected, would have proceeded in the vindication of his patron from the most injurious of all the charges, the ruinous attack upon the colonies, but of this he says not a word. It is of the most pernicious confequence to have men of fuperior abilities A critical Review of the new Admini- at the head of administration, if those a A Defence of the provincial Charters; proving the Rights the Colonifts have to their Charters. By Mr. Dummer. THIS HIS pamphlet feems to have been written fo long ago as the year 1743, when lord Carteret was principal fecretary of ftate, por apprehenfion that the government intended to resume the . American charters. It is a fenfible pamphlet, and contains the belt information with refpect to the first establishment, and fubfequent regulations of the Northern provinces, of any that has appeared; but fays not a word relative to the prefent ftamp-act that has caufed the alarm, except the following declaration may be fo applied. "It feems, fays the writer, a feverity without a precedent, that a people who have the misfortune of being a thoufand leagues from their fovereign, (a misfortune great enough in itself) fhould, unfummoned, unheard, in one day be deprived of all their valuable privileges, which they have enjoyed for near an hundred years. It is true the legislative pow er is abfolute and unaccountable, and kings, lords, and commons may do what they please; but the question here is not about power, but right; and fhall not the fupreme legislature of all the nation do right?" And again, I cannot but flatter myself from the reasonableness of the demand, and the celebrated juftice and lenity of his majelty's government, that the provinces will obtain it, being fure they would reckon the lofs of their privileges a greater calamity than if their houfes were all in flames. Burnt houfes may rife again perhaps more beautiful than before, but it is feared, that "Liberty once loft, is loft for ever." The Grievances of the American Colonies candidly examined. Printed by Authority at Providence in Rhode Island. HE writers of this examination, for Twe suppers of the txark of many, profefs to make the colonies in New England the rule of their reafoning, as with the rights of thofe provinces they are best acquainted; New England, fay they, was first planted by adventurers who left their native country, by permiffion of King Charles I. and at their own expence, transported themselves to America, with great risk and difficulty fettled among favages, and in a very furprizing manner, formed new colonies in the wilderness. Before their departure, the terms of their freedom, and the relation they thould stand in to the mother country, in their emigrant ftate were fully fettled, they were to remain fubject to the king, and dependant on the kingdom of Great Bri tain. In return they were to receive protection, and enjoy all the rights and pri, vileges of freeborn Englishmen. By all their charters, it is in the most exprefs and folemn manner granted, that they and their children after them for dom and liberty that the fubjects in Engever, should have and enjoy all the freeland enjoy: That they might make laws for their own government, fuitable to their circumstances; not repugnant to, but as near as might be, agreeable to the chafe lands, acquire goods, and ufe laws of England; that they might purtrade for their advantage, and have an abfolute property in whatever they juftly acquired. Thefe, with many other graveral kings; and they were to pay as an cious privileges, were granted them by fefifth part of the ore of gold and filver, acknowledgment to the crown, only one faid colonies, in lieu of, and full fatifthat thould at any time be found in the faction for all dues and demands of the crown and kingdom of England upon them. tive powers have confidered the colonies And the British legiflative and execuas poffeffed of these rights, and have alrental manner, treated them as their deways heretofore in the most tender and papendant (tho' free) condition required.— But now the fcene feems to be unhappiwhatever motive we know not, hath inly changing-The British miniftry, from duced the parliament to pass an act, limiting, and burdening the trade of thofe colonies, much more than had ever beefe done before; as alfo for greatly enlarging the power and jurifdiction of the court of admiralty, and likewife paffed another act, establishing certain ftamp duties. Thefe acts have occafioned great uneafinefs among the British fubjects on the continent of America. With what reafon let the public judge. It is admitted, that altho' each of the colonies hath a legiflature within it felf, to take take care of its interefts, and provide for to any part of Europe except Great Briits peace and internal government, yet tain, prohibited: This muft greatly afthere are many things of a more general fect the linen manufacture in Ireland; nature, which it is abfolutely neceffary without the leaft advantage to Great Brifhould have a general power to direct tain. them; and this power we are naturally led to look for in the parliament of Great Britain. But, at the fame time, the equity, juftice and beneficence, of the British conftitution, feems to require, that the feparated kingdoins and diftinct colonies, who are to obey and be governed by thefe general laws and regulations, fhould be fome way or other reprefented, or at leaft, that they should have notice of every new meafure, or new act by which their rights, liberties or interefts may be affected; that they may appear and be heard by their agents, by council, or written reprefentation, or by fome other equitable and effectual way. Had the colonies been fully heard, no reasonable man can fuppofe the late act ever would have paffed, in the manner it now ftands; for what good reason can poffibly be given for making a law to cramp the trade, and ruin the intereft of many of the colonies, and at the fanie time, leffen in a prodigious manner the confumption of the British manufactures in them? thefe are certainly the effects this act mut produce; a duty of three-pence per gallon on foreign melafies, is much higher than that article can poffibly bear; and therefore must operate as an abfolute prohibition. With the lofs of the foreign melaffes trade, the cod-fishery in America must also be loft. Heretofore there hath been imported into the colony of Rhode and only about 1,150,000 gallons annually; the duty on this quantity is 14,375. a larger fum than was ever in the colonies at any one time. This money is to be sent away, and never to return; yet the payment is to be repeated every year.—Can this poffibly be done? Minifters have great influence, and arliaments have great power-can either of them change the nature of things, ftop our means of getting money, and yet expect us to pay British taxes and purchafe and pay for British manufactures? By the fame act, the exportation of all kinds of timber, or lumber, the most natural produce of thefe new colonies, is ufually embarraffed, and the thipping it Enlarging the power and jurifdiction of the courts of vice-admiraly in the colonies, is another part of the fame act, greatly and Juny complained of. A custom-houfe officer may now make a feizure in Georgia, of goods ever fo Ilgally imported, and carry the trial to Ha lifax, at fifteen hundred miles diftance, and thither the owner must follow him to defend his property. If the judge fhould certify there was only probable caufe for making the feizure, the unhappy owner can maintain no action against the illegal feizer, for damages; but he may return to Georgia, quite ruined and undone in confor mity to an act of parliament. But the refolution the House of Commons came into during the fame feffion of parliament, allerting their right to ella. blifh ftamp duties, and internal taxes, to be collected in the colonies without their own confent, hath much more, and for much more reafon, alarmed the British fubje&ts in America. Thele refolutions have been fince carried into execution by an act of parliament which the colonifts do conceive is a violation of their long enjoyed rights. For it must be confeffed by all men, that, they who are taxed at pleasure by others, cannot poflibly have any property, caД have nothing to be called their owu; they who have no property, can have no freedom, but are indeed reduced to the most abje& flavery; are in a state far worfe than countries conquered and made tributary; for thefe have only a fixed fum to pay, which they are left to raise among themfelves, in the way that they may think moft equal and cafy; and having paid the ftipulated fum, the debt is difcharged, and what is left is their own. more tolerable, than to be taxed at the mere will of others, without any bounds, without any ftipulation or agreement, contrary to their conient, and againft their wills. This is lonies fhould not modeftly and foberly enquire, what right the parliament of Great Britain have to tax them. The colonies bere, at all times when called upon by the crown to raise money for the public fervice, have done it as chearfully as he parliament there have done on the like occafions: Is not this the moft eafy way of railing money in the coJonies? What occafion then to diftrust the colonies, what neceffity to fall on the prefent method to compel them to do what ftances to fupport themselves, to have any money, any trade, or other business carried on in them? Certainly it is not; nor is there at prefent, or ever was, any country under heaven, that did, or poffibly could fupport itself under fuch burdens. The legislative Power of the Colonies confidered, in a Letter to a Friend. SIR, Hether the legislative powers, ori they have ever done freely? The parlia- Winally delegated to the colonies ment, it is confeffed, have power to regulate the trade of the whole empire; and hath it not full power, by this means, to draw all the money and wealth of the colonies into the mothercountry, at pleasure? What motive after this can remain, to induce the parliament to abridge the privileges, and leffen the rights of the moft loyal and dutiful fubjects fubjects justly intitled to ample freedom, who have long enjoyed, and not abufed or forfeited their liberties, who have used them to their own advantage, in dutiful fubferviency to the orders and the interefts of Great Britain? Why fhould the gentle current of tranquillity, that has fo long run with peace through all the British ftates, and owed with joy and with happiness in all her countries, be at laft obftructed, and turned out of its true courfe, into unufual and winding channels, by which many of these colonies muft be ruined; but none of them can poffibly be made more rich or more happy. There is a vaft difference between the railing money in a country by duties, taxes, or otherwife, and employing and laying out the money again in the fame country; and raifing the like fums of money, by the like means, and fending it away quite out of the country where it is raised. In the former cafe, as faft as the money is collected, it is again circulated; but in the latter, as faft as the money is collected, it is immediately fent out of the country, never to return. Think then, what must be the condition of these miserable colonies, when all the money propofed to be raised in them, by high duties on the importation of divers kinds of goods, by the poft office, by ftamp duties, and other taxes, is fent quite away, as fait as it can be collected; and this is to be repeated continually! Is n poffible for colonies under thefe cirum by royal charters or otherwife, and hitherto established by a regular course of unimpeached legiflation, will conftitutionally operate in exclufion of any parliamentary participation in all local cafes not repugnant to the laws of Great Britain, feeins to be a claim of privilege no otherwife alarming, than as it may be thought to have a tendency towards weakening their political dependency on the mother country. The condition annexed to the privileges of legiflation granted to the colonies, namely that their laws fhould not be repugnant to thofe of Great Britain, implies, as ftrongly as words and necessary incidents can imply, an exclufive legislative right in all internal cafes that are confiftent with them. On the other hand, this condition, fubjecting all fuch of their laws as fhould be inconfiftent with thofe of Great Britain to be repealed, infures the fubferviency of their legislative acts to the legal fyftem and polity of the mother-kingdom; becaufe none but those laws which are confiftent with them, may obtain. Moreover, a latitude of final determination, with respect to their repugnancy being wholly left to the Royal Prerogative, a more frict fubordination of this kind, bearing any face of Liberty, could fcarcely have been devised. That thefe legislatures might also equally act under the fovereign directive influence of the mother-state, and purfue one general undivided welfare, the fame Head fundamentally exercises the two capital functions in both regions; or, in other words, the King remains not only the fole executive Magistrate, but forms one of the conftituent legislative branches equally in the colonies as in the mother kingdom. Without the exercise of which regal functions by his delegate or reprefentative, the whole |