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happy conjunction to represent the character of the men who had given their names to the institution. With such a college in our midst, there is no need of any citizen of Pennsylvania going out of the State for an education.

The Alumni Association met on Monday at 10:30 a. m. and heard reports on the progress of the publication of a centennial volume and of a biography of Rev. Dr. John W. Nevin The alumni dinner was given at 12:30, and about 1000 people partook of it. George F. Baer, Esq., of Reading, presided. A huge tent had been erected near Harbaugh Hall, and in it long tables were spread. Immediately after the dinner a meeting was organized, when Rev. J. Spangler Kieffer, of Hagerstown Md., delivered an address "On the Claims of the

College on the Church." Addresses were
also made by Hon. John Cessna, of Bed-
ford; Traill Green, LL. D., of Lafayette
College; Rev. J. Robert Nevin, of St.
Paul's Church, Rome, Italy; Rev. Dr. Mc-
Cauley, of Dickinson College, Carlisle :
Rev. Dr. Seip, of Muhlenberg College,
Allentown; Rev. Dr. J. A. Muhlenberg,
Rev. D. Stanhope Orris, of Princeton, N.

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Rev. Thos. G. Apple and Marriott Brosius, of Lancaster. Letters of congratulation were read from the faculties of Heidelberg College, Ursinus College, Lehigh University, Bucknell University, and many others.

The court house was again crowded on Wednesday evening. Hon. Louis H. Steiner delivered the centennial oration on "The Old College Curriculum," expressing his disapprobation of the elective system of studies in colleges, and defining sharply the difference that exists between the college and the university, in the latter of which full provision must be made for all desirable elective studies or courses. Rev. C. W. E. Siegle read the centennial and semicentennial ode, "Alma Mater.”

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W. U. Hensel, esq., who was the leading spirit in the work of the week, both in its plan and execution, was introduced, and held his audience deeply interested for an hour, and that a late one, in his able discussion of the subject, "The College and the Community." We take from the Lancaster Intelligencer the following report in brief of his remarks:

THE COLLEGE AND THE COMMUNITY.

weapons and the resistance of the armor forged here. He came back as one who had cherished with some fidelity the interests of the community, to speak of its relations with the college, their common interest, and their reciprocal obligations. The college claims nothing from the community that the community does not owe to itself. Memory lingers fondly over the hundred and fifty years of history that have left their impress upon Lancaster's institutions. Its material prosperity has not kept uneven pace with its intellectual development. Ours is a goodly heritage. Our homogeneous citizenship is the fusion of diverse elements; and it epitomizes the building of a mighty commonwealth. Of the strains of blood which moulded a race at once progressive and tenacious, substantial and refined, none is so largely represented in our citizenship as the German. The refugee from the Palatinate as surely as the pilgrim from Plymouth brought with him the instinct of that sacred dignity of character which was to shape our destiny as a people. Not more certainly did the intellectual life of New England receive its impulse from the clergy than that in Pennsylvania-whether among the Germans or the so-called "Scotch Irish the preacher was the teacher, and the school-house went up by the side of the church. The college has historical, economical and ethical claims upon the community, and one of the first of these is gratitude to it for continuing, through the succession of a hundred years, that religious impulse which first quickened all our educational forces.

To the founders who recognized the worth of the large German element is due a debt of gratitude; and here, most of all, where Lutheran, Reformed, Mennonite, and all the many elements of German immigration meet; from this community, where the Teutonic spirit is so rife, there ought to be quick recognition of the effort to transplant the genius of that mighty empire which has just set above the Rhine the sign that its sovereignty has endured for a thousand years.

Lancaster owes something of personal obligation to the colossal figures of an adolescent

commonwealth who selected it for a seat of learning and patronized it with their favor and bounty. In a later day those who have burnished the fame of the city with their civic lustre were patrons of liberal culture. Pennsylvania's only representative in the presidential line sat for many years at the head of the board of direction of Franklin and Marshall College. That Titan of our politics who trod where timid souls faltered, in his magnificent battle against conservatism and prejudice, spake memorable words for the organic union of the higher and lower branches of education, "mutually dependent and necessary" as the ocean and the streams of supply. The church, schools and academies, of which the college was the crown, were the forerunners of the vast popular system which now marshals 30,000 pupils under its

Passing to a consideration of the economic claims of the college, the speaker called attention to the fact that of the large endowment and valuable property employed in its work threefourths at least were contributed by outside patrons. Its noblest benefactions had come from strangers to our city and county; and surely if the removal hither or the establishment of a material concern providing employment and disbursing wages for nearly a hundred families would command the attention of the most sordid mercantile spirit, the attraction hither of students from distant regions and the opening of the city to new relations was a fit subject for attention. The influences that must flow from a seat of higher learning are felt in every channel of trade, and contribute to the material welfare of the city.

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Mr. Hensel said he would make no apology for the "uses of the higher learning. It is met again and again with the taunt, “What has the college done for you to enable you to earn your bread and butter?" The answer is to be found in its higher ethical claims upon the community for allegiance and support. Nothing is of more immediate and vital concern to the community than that the leaders of its thought should be educated to right views of life. Our country has suffered grievously, and the ill results yet to follow are immeasurable, from false systems of education that aim at a selfish utilitarianism and ensue in a shallow and superficial view of public questions. Our material prosperity has been so dazzling that we measure everything by it. Yet the human mind and soul have not changed, that men should talk so blithely of the new education and the new religion, and so readily adjust them to the telephone, the electric light and the naval torpedo. The message of the nineteenth century, it has been well said, should be a warning against the spirit of mercantilism which has fastened upon our American life, invading our legislative halls, checking and chilling the spirit of our literature, measuring and weighing our art, clouding our religion, and in the end blighting the material interests themselves. Even these must suffer when a rank empiricism takes hold of our legislation and inspires our public representatives.

Until men are taught that there is a higher life than the success which succeeds, than building railroads, extending domain, heaping riches, or winning bread, the best interests of the community are not served, and the highest destiny of a nation never will be realized.

With the most extensive domain, the greatest affluence of resources and production, graphic and eloquent writers have startled even this exultant people with forceful depiction of the fact that the tramp goes with the locomotive and the malefactor lurks in the shadow of the church. For our social ills and disorders the college has no patent panacea. But it knows and teaches that if the American people deliberately set themselves to teaching their children that a good life is only to make "a good living;' to sharpening the mind to get advantage in acquiring property and wealth, they will be educated to be what Hobbes calls "fighting ani

mals," omnes contra omnes, each with a knife for the other's throat.

The only remedy for this lies in a reversal of the current order of thought and education. The cultivation of the mind for its own sake, the elevation of the moral and spiritual nature, is the only safe protection for any people. The danger comes not from the "ignorant masses;" neither from illiteracy and pauperism; but from loose teaching and false thinking. It is not an importation, but a native American product.

"Every great and commanding movement in the annals of the world," says Emerson, "is the triumph of some enthusiasm." There will be no relief until there comes recognition of "the moral trusteeship" of wealth. Harvard, at its two hundred and fiftieth anniversary, through its orator, spoke with no uncertain sound when it demanded "the training that will fit the rich to be trusted with riches and the poor to withstand the temptation of poverty;" and yet the genius of New England is a keenscented, practical, progressive genius, which has made the world listen to the ring of Yankee metal in every field where "practical" talents have struggled for mastery.

For the student who studies in the classic spirit, and who goes forth equipped for life's battle, every hero has fought, every martyr died, every poet sung, and all apostles preached. Liberally-cultured men by their very education have a call to be public men-leaders in the interests of the people of the nation; the sphere of such public duty and activity reaches out from selfish individual interest to the general interests of the community, and from that to the broader interests of state and nation.

The generations have for centuries re-echoed Pilate's inquiry, "What is Truth?" But there is no answer save that which He spoke to the world educating itself for strife and spoils: "I am the Way, the Truth and the Life;" "Whoso loseth his life shall find it."

Volume of books alone is not literature; a single issue of a Sunday newspaper nowadays, it has been said, consumes more paper than all the printing presses of the world from the days of Guttenberg to the French revolution.

Plato studied without an electric light, Demosthenes never reduced his orations with the type-writer, Cæsar's commentaries did not sell as well as Grant's, and Tacitus had more difficulty in getting a publisher than Logan; Tennyson's last and worst cost more for trans-Atlantic transmission than Milton got for "Paradise Lost."

Nor is popularity everything. The crowd still calls for Barabbas, not to lynch him, but to send him to the Legislature. And "riches are not forever." Nor size. Texas has ten times the area of old Greece. The battle is not always to the strong.

"God's ways are dark, but soon or late, They touch the shining hills of day." We have "the safe appeal of Truth to Time." Beneath all our material civilization-here, as nowhere else, exemplified in fertile farms and teeming fields, mills and mines-somewhere, only hidden for the time, waits the classic

Christian soul of the higher civilization that shall come back to adorn the cathedral of American culture with a radiance not born of earth, and to light it with a beauty that comes only down from heaven.

Thursday was graduation day, and the exercises of the week closed on Thursday evening with a reception, concert, and pyrotechnic display at the College. The scene on the campus-its buildings and its numerous and beautiful trees illuminated

with Chinese lanterns-with all the moving life of thousands of admiring visitors, was one not soon to be forgotten, and a fitting close to the memorable week of rejoicing.

THE NORMAL SCHOOLS.

HIGHER EDUCATION FOR WOMEN SECUREDTEACHING AS A PROFESSION, ETC.

HE advanced position of those intelligent and estimable people, the Friends, with regard to the co-education of the sexes and the higher education of women, is well understood; but they do not stand alone, and when President Magill proposed to the educational public of Pennsylvania a liberal education for female teachers and the elevation of the teaching art to the level of a profession, he did not seem to understand that he was but carrying coals to Newcastle.' He was just thirty years behind the times in this incipient missionary effort.

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Under the provisions of our State Normal School law, approved May 20th, 1857, the students on the public account in those schools were required to be male and female alternately, and these Normal Schools opened up from the start a broader field and higher opportunities for the thorough and efficient education of young ladies than 'had ever before been offered to the mass of the gentler sex in the old Keystone outside of the select private seminaries that only the favorites of fortune could patronize; enhanced at the same time by the certainty of their being able to make that education contributory to their own support to an extent that had not generally been the case except in limited portions of the State. From the very first, under this double stimulus, our Normal Schools, as fast as officially recognized, swarmed with ambitious and talented female students who sought the liberal culture and thorough training of these high State institutions, and speedily proved their ability to fully cope with their brother students in the highest range of studies available for their benefit; and so it has con

tinued ever since, with ever-increasing influence for good.

Before the Normal School law was enacted there were but 4630 female teachers in the common schools, against 7844 male teachers. Now there are 14,508 female teachers employed and we have only 8,795 male teachers. The mental stimulus and training and thorough discipline they thus received redounded in a double sense to the credit and direct they swayed the sceptre of their enlightened advantage of the Commonwealth, whether and refining influence in the school-room or in the domestic circle; for it is the general rule and not the exception, that the better the teacher the better the wife and mother; and the Commonwealth is thus doubly rewarded for its liberal and sagacious educational policy.

What was the official testimony on these points at that date? Turning to State Superintendent Hickok's report for the school year 1857, the first annual report issued after the Normal School bill became a law, we find the following suggestive paragraphs:

"Provision is made for the admission of teachers in the common schools, and an opportunity afforded them to obtain State certificates, if found to be worthy of them. The admission of private students, as well as those on public account, is also regulated. The requirement that the students sent by each common school district on public account, shall be alternately male and female, secures an equal proportion of female teachers, and to the gentler as well as the sterner sex equal and full participation in all the advantages of these State institutions of learning. The reciprocal influence of the sexes, when associated in the same schools and classes, is felt in the spirit of manly courtesy and selfrespect inspired in young gentlemen by the dignity and delicacy, the refinement and moral purity of the opposite sex; and the mental stimulus and higher intellectual ambition imparted to young ladies."

"The tendency and aim in Pennsylvania is to make teaching an independent and honorable profession, that shall take equal rank with other learned professions. The Normal School act, by the course and duration of the term of study, the probation to which its professional graduates are subjected, and its two classes of State certificates, recognizes this object, and will tend to secure this result. The distinction between the acquisition of knowledge and the ability to impart it to others, is carefully preserved by requiring not only a theoretical knowledge of the art of teaching, and practice in the model school, but two full annual terms of successful teaching in the common schools before the teacher's full State certificate, or diploma, can be obtained; and then only as a reward of merit, and not from favoritism in any quarter. No other profession is subjected to more severe ordeal, or to more unrelenting scrutiny."

Our Normal School law, and the practice | under it, has helped immensely to lift the vocation of common school teacher into the respect and confidence of the public at large, which it had never before enjoyed, and established a high professional standard to work up to, and reach; though of course the holders of provisional certificates, especially if of a low grade, do not, and ought not to rank as professional teachers. Yet there are thousands who have by arduous and self-sacrificing efforts rightfully attained this honorable rank. The law was judiciously and generously so framed as to in-, vite and help all who aspire to success and standing in the profession. That the Normal Schools did not realize at once, the full ultimate ideal of the law, is their misfortune, not their fault. The colossal requirements of the act, and the precarious sources of income, were prodigious difficulties to be overcome; and under all the adverse circumstances, the real wonder is that they have done so much and so well. They are entitled to vastly more credit than is conceded to them in some interested quarters. Their mission is a specific one, and they have not only had to train teachers for the common schools, but also the larger incidental but inevitable duty of helping to educate public sentiment to the high standpoint that the law contemplates; and this cannot be done by spasmodic or sensational efforts, nor in a single decade or generation; like everything else in our common school development, it is an arduous task and slow, and time is a factor of immense importance in the solution of the problem.

Our massive Normal School system was planned for the next five hundred years, rather than the mere period of its enactment; and under the most favorable circumstances, with the undeniable success of the past, and the best efforts of the present, we must continue to look to the future for its highest development, and largest measure of results. When Pennsylvania shall have quadrupled her present population and resources, some things can and will be done that are not practicable now, and the most exacting standard of excellence that its friends desire and its enemies demand will be fully realized. The physical requirements of the law will be found to be too restricted for the uses that will be found for these schools, and some of its dormant features not yet brought into play, will bloom into activity and fruitfulness. What this generation is doing under our laws for popular education would have been regarded

fifty years ago as the work of fanatics and cranks, that should be checkmated and suppressed at all hazards.

But between those who would block the wheels of progress and those who denounce the progress made as tardiness itself, Pennsylvania has steadfastly kept on the even tenor of her way, with tortoise deliberation, it is true, but with a steadfast and proverbial persistency of purpose that does not look back and never gives up; until at last the goal of her highest hopes is in plain sight, and in due time will undoubtedly be reached. In some important particulars she has been an exemplar and pioneer for other States, and she has no idea at this late day of "going back" on her record, or taking a secondary place in the great work she long ago set out to accomplish.

NOTES FOR HISTORY CLASS.-X.

A

MISTAKE, which historians are beginning to correct, but which still forms a grave defect in our school histories, is to regard history too exclusively from a governmental point of view. The great mass of the volumes which profess to give the stories of the rise and fortunes of nations are, in reality, little more than the histories of dynasties. The scene of the story is the court or the camp; the actors are kings and nobles, with occasionally a refractory commoner who has headed a rebellion. wish to learn anything of the progress of the arts, or of literature, or of the sciences, we must seek for it in works specially devoted to these subjects.

If we

A few centuries ago the historian found, indeed, little else to write about than these exciting themes. The lives of the common people were uneventful, except in times of war; their customs and habits-interesting as a survey of them would be to us seemed beneath the notice of the historian, and, indeed, altered but little from generaation to generation. But the past three centuries have brought about a great change in this respect. The common people, the governed class, has, in the enlightened nations, been struggling to the surface, and can no longer be left out of the account in considering the causes of a nation's prosperity. The advance of the arts and sciences, even of the art of government, has proceeded, as a rule, from the middle and lower classes, and the ruling class no longer has a claim to monopolize the attention of an historian.

A school text-book of history must necessarily be a small work. It can form but a mere introduction to a really inexhaustible subject. But there is no good reason why it should not cover the entire field which properly belongs to history. It should be something more than a political and military history; its prominent characters should not all be statesmen or generals, nor its dates mainly those of battles and treaties. A school history of the United States, written as we would like to see it written, would differ in many important particulars from those in common use. The story of our country from its settlement to the present time contains, like that of every other modern nation, an exceedingly varied and intricate plot. That which has made us the populous and flourishing nation that we are is not solely our form of government. This has been the shield under which we have worked, and we have been fortunate in having found wise and able men to erect and sustain it for us; those who formed our constitution, those who have held public office under it, and those who at a time of imminent peril led the armies that preserved it, are all deserving of the honorable place that has been accorded them in history. But we do wrong to teach our children by implication, that because these men were conspicuous from their position in public life, they are the only men who have done the country real and enduring service. While these men have been acting as a national police, having an oversight over the general welfare, private enterprise, enlisting in its service men of no less ability, has developed the resources of the country, has cleared away its forests, opened its mines, constructed canals, erected founderies, machine shops, and cotton mills, and has netted the land from end to end with thousands of miles of railroads and telegraphs.

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Matters of this sort are, it is true, not wholly ignored in the school-book; but they are given, as it were, in a corner-the light scarcely falls upon them. Thus, a book before us disposes of the steamboat with six lines and a picture, while three lines suffice to notice the completion of the Erie Canal and the introduction of the locomotive into the country. A child may study in school the history of the United States, and not know, unless he learns the fact by accident, that coal has not been used for fuel in Pennsylvania from the days of William Penn.

To obtain a due amount of space in the text-book for industrial history, the political history must be abridged; but this can

readily be done by judicious pruning. The colonial history need not and should not occupy so much space as is usually assigned to it. A brief sketch of the story of the settlement of the country, and of the fortunes of the several colonies, in which shall be given only the most important events and the leading dates, is not only all that is essential as an introduction to the history of the United States proper, but if skillfully drawn, will give the pupil a much better grasp on the character of this period than he can possibly obtain through the dry compilation of facts and dates which is usually spread before him. The war of the Revolution was an event of the first importance, and its course was marked by thrilling incidents; the story of it affords interesting and instructive reading; but it must not be allowed to occupy, as now, a fourth part of the volume. We have space only to deal with its causes, its general features, and its results. We must leave the details of its campaigns and battles to be sought in books of a more pretentious character, which are generally accessible. The formation of the Constitution marks another important crisis in the country's history. The subject should be treated with sufficient fulness to give the student a clear idea of the difficulties which our forefathers met and surmounted in the conflict of opposing interests, and to enable him to judge of the real merit of their work. The government once formed, its administration may be passed over lightly, with exceptional instances in which the policy of the Presidents was followed by important consequences.

We have had our military experiencesIndian wars, the war with England, the Mexican war, and the great Rebellion. These should be narrated, not as involving so many battles, which made peculiar localities historic, and gave prominence to certain generals, but as deplorable events which. grew out of certain antecedent conditions, and which affected very materially the fortunes of the country. They should be treated with as much economy of space as is consistent with a clear understanding of their character.

By this sort of condensation, which is very different from mere compression, space may be obtained for treating with much greater fulness than has been done the subject of internal improvements, the growth and spread of the population of the country, and the change gradually brought about in the condition and the habits of the people through the introduction of machinery to

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