next follow three collects to be said "all kneeling." Here we are at issue. H. G. would have the minister continue standing. The general practice is to kneel; and this I think to be the intention of the rubric. Let it be remembered that the people are kneeling, and the minister standing at this very time. Let it also be considered, that, wherever the expression had before occurred, it confessedly comprehended both minister and people. For whose sake, therefore, is it most reasonable to suppose that it is here introduced? for the people only, who are at the time kneeling, or in order to specify that this is another of the places where the Church deems it proper that the minister should change his standing posture and join the people in one universal act of humiliation-one act in which "all" are included?

The only way, I think, of meet ing this argument is by saying that this is another instance of superfluous direction to the people; but besides that this involves an admission which makes against H. G.'s inference from the rubric in the Commination Service, it is to be remarked, that, before this answer can be depended on, it should be shewn that the natural signification of the term "all" is to mean "the people simply." It is not like the former superfluity, where, the minister being desired to kneel, "the people also (who were kneeling) are directed to use the same posture. There the superfluity is clear. But we cannot assume the superfluity and thence contend for the meaning of the expression. In truth, in the present rubric "all" seems to be used for brevity's sake, as equivalent to the former rubric where (the parties being in corresponding situations) the minister and people are both expressly directed to pray kneeling.

Thus it appears, that in the Morning Prayer the general rule laid down by H. G. does not take place in one single instance, and even on his own shewing there would be but one example of it and three exceptions. But that is not a general rule where the exception's so greatly overbalance the examples.

On looking over the other rubrics throughout the liturgy, I feel more strongly confirmed in the notion that the term "all" never applies to the people exclusively. One instance occurs in the Communion Service, where it does not include the officiating minister, so as to require him to kneel at the particular time when the people are thereby required to kneel; namely, at the delivery of the elements; but the use of the word there is obviously to comprehend the accompanying clergy and the people, who are all to kneel at the time he delivers the elements into their hands; and indeed I might say that it does extend to himself in reference to the time of his own reception.

I will make only one further observation. In the Evening Prayer, the minister, having stood to repeat the versicles before the collects, is not afterwards directed to kneel. But this seems to be an omission, and it is of little importance because the analogy of the service may direct him to kneel in the evening upon the same occasion as he had knelt in the morning; and for which, as I contend, a clear direction had been then given. However, it is the observation of an accurate writer (Shepherd) on the Common Prayer, that "from some accidental inadvertencies the rubrics are not perfectly free."

D. R. N.

NEGRO SLAVERY.-No. VII. INSURRECTIONS OF SLAVES IN THE

WEST INDIES, PARTICULARLY IN

DEMERARA.

ALL who are acquainted with the past history of the Slave Colonies, must be aware, that disturbances among the Slaves have frequently occurred, of a far more dangerous character than any which have taken place during the past year.

The rebellions in Jamaica, and the necessity to which the local authorities there were reduced, of negociating with the insurgents, and granting them favourable terms, will be found displayed in the works of Long and Edwards. The rebellion of 1760, in that island, was marked by outrages on the part of the Slaves, and by a refinement of cruelty towards the criminals on the part of the Colonial Administration, the relation of which makes the blood run cold. In Grenada, in 1794, an insurrection, caused by French intrigue, led to a savage and sanguinary contest, which lasted for many months. On this occasion, the Christian Slaves, who had been converted by the Methodists, remained faithful to their masters; and many of them fought gallantly in their defence. In Dominica, about the year 1788, a serious revolt took place among the Slaves, which was subdued with difficulty. Since that time more than one revolt has occurred there, which it was necessary to employ a military force to repress. It was on the occasion of the last of these, in 1813, that Governor Ainslie issued the proclamation which attracted so much notice at the time, offering rewards to those who should bring in any of the insurgents, men, women, children, dead or alive. St. Vincent's has also been the scene of similar disturbances.

or

At Honduras an extensive revolt

of the Slaves took place about four years ago; and it was the more dangerous, because there the Slaves were accustomed, from the nature of their employment, to the use of fire-arms, and were actually possessed both of arms and of ammunition. The gallant officer who commanded the settlement at that time, Colonel Arthur, was himself no Slave-holder; and the Slaves had also learnt to appreciate the rectitude and benevolence of his character. In his dispatch to Earl Bathurst, of the 16th May, 1820, he stated, that before he proceeded to employ the force which he had prepared to subdue the insurgents, he resolved to try the milder means of persuasion. He went fearlessly among them, and inquired into their grievances, and was much concerned, he adds, to ascertain that they had been treated with very unnecessary harshness by their owners, and had certainly good ground for complaint." He justly thought that to institute such an inquiry not only was the duty of a British governor, but was a much more likely method of subduing the iusurrection, and securing the future tranquillity of the colony, than having recourse, in the first instance, to violence. He completely succeeded in his benevolent efforts. The evil was stayed without shedding a drop of blood; and the Slaves were induced to return peaceably to their work. This is an example well worthy of record and of imitation.

We will not dwell on the rebellions in Surinam or in Berbice, but come at once to Demerara, which will occupy the remainder of the present communication. In this colony, alarms of insurrection, and partial disturbances, have been frequent. We have already adverted* to the insurrection of 1796, the terminaNegro Slavery, No. VI.

tion of which was followed by executions of so ferocious a description as to equal, if not surpass, in atrocity, the most revolting tales of savage life. No man will pretend that this disturbance, or any of those mentioned above, originated either with the Abolitionists or the Missionaries. Nothing was then known in Demerara either of the one or the other. Under the stern rule of the Dutch, the sullen repose of the colony had not yet been invaded by the intrusions either of philanthropy or of Christian zeal.

Since that period, partial disturbances have occasionally taken place: "I have known Demerara," says one gentleman, "for a number of years, and during that time the alarms of insurrection have been frequent." Those who resided there at the time cannot have forgotten the case of Mr. Von B. His Slaves had gone to complain to the Fiscal of excessive suffering; and, receiving no redress from him, had set off in a body to the woods. His son perished in an attempt to bring them back; on which parties were sent out into the woods to subdue them. They may also recollect another rising, a short time before; which was subdued, however, in a very different manner. The Missionary, Davies, was sent among them; and, by pointing out to them the fatal effects of their conduct, and employing the weapons of reason and persuasion, he induced them peaceably to return to their work. In the spring of 1822, also, upwards of a year before the parliamentary discussions on the subject of Slavery commenced, there was a fresh alarm of insurrection, and a plot was said to have been discovered for setting fire to George Town, the capital of the colony; and such was the impression of danger on this occasion, that a reward of one thousand pounds was offered for the discovery of the incendiaries. Little or nothing, however, was publicly said in this country of that, or of preceding alarms. It would have an

swered no colonial purpose, at that time, to blazon them abroad.

In No. VI., we have pointed out some of the predisposing causes of insurrection in Demerara; and, in No. I., we have also given a delineation of the general character of Negro bondage in that colony, as it existed in 1822. Since that time we are led to believe, that none of its harsh features have been at all softened; that there has been no abatement of the severe exaction of labour, no cessation of the cart-whip, no more ready attention on the part of public functionaries to the redress of grievances. On the contrary, letters from the colony describe the evils of Slavery to have been aggravated rather than diminished, during the past year; while at the same time a new cause of discontent was unhappily and most gratuitously furnished by the Colonial Government.

In 1810, the intolerance of the local authorities with respect to religious instruction, had placed the Missionaries under the necessity of applying for relief to his Majesty's Government. Lord Liverpool was then Secretary of State for the Colonial Department. His lordship, with that humanity and consideration which so much distinguish him, immediately interfered: and, in 1811, transmitted instructions to the Governor of Demerara on the subject, which proved effectual for securing the freedom of religious worship, and obviated the many hindrances which had previously been thrown in the way of the attendance of the Slaves. Under the operation of these judicious instructions, things proceeded with little or no interruption, except from occasional individual hostility, until the month of May last. In that month, Governor Murray issued a proclamation, imposing new restrictions on the freedom of religious worship; and, by an ingenious perversion of the liberal terms of Lord Liverpool's dispatch of 1811, which he actually makes the basis of the

new regulations, he endeavours to shield his ill-timed policy from censure. The manifest tenor of his lordship's dispatch was to relieve the Slaves from unnecessary restraint, and not to restrain them, in their attendance on the means of instruction. The proclamation of Governor Murray had a direct contrary tendency. What could have dictated such a proclamation, at such a time, it is not easy to conceive. Its effects, whatever were the motives, have been disastrous; and to this rash and ill-judged measure may be traced much of the evil which has since occurred. The proclamation prohibited the Slaves from going to their chapel, even on a Sunday, without a written pass from their owner or manager; and it recommended to the planters to attend themselves, or to send an overseer to attend, along with their Slaves, in order to judge of the soundness and safety of the doctrines which might be preached by the Missionaries. As no means were prescribed by which owners or managers could be compelled to give passes to the Slaves, the obstacles to their attendance were thus greatly increased. Passes were either entirely refused, or they were not given till it was too late to make use of them, or the owner or manager was absent or busy; and, even when their requests were complied with, the applicants were often exposed to contumely and reproach on account of their religion. Besides, to write and sign twenty, fifty, or a hundred passes, was no light task on a Sunday morning; and the manager who was called upon to perform it, might almost be excused for displaying his ill humour. But this was not all. Many of the Slaves to whom passes were refused resolved to brave all hazards rather than forsake the worship of God. They thus rendered themselves liable to punishment, for having violated the Governor's regulation, and cart-whippings on this account are said to have become frequent. Some

of the planters interpreted the proclamation of the Governor to meanthat the Slaves were not to engage in religious exercises, even in their own houses, without the leave of their master or manager; and this interpretation being, of course, favoured by such as were hostile to religious instruction, became a further source of vexatious interference. Such exercises were in some cases prohibited; and, in others, their religious books were taken from the Slaves, and destroyed. We know the exaltation of mind which suffering for the sake of religion is capable of generating; and this feeling, akin to the heroism of the martyr, is not confined to the colour of the skin. Some of the Slaves persevered in their attendance at chapel, and in religious exercises in their own houses, notwithstanding the penalties attached to such observances. In one case, a whole family which had distinguished itself by firmness in enduring punishment rather than omit the worship of God, was advertised for sale, with the design, as has been expressly stated, of separating its members and scattering them to a distance from each other. The disturbance broke out only a few days before this sale, which had excited much interest among the Slaves, was to have taken place.

Such was the state of things in Demerara in the months of June and July last, when at the close of the latter month the dispatch of Lord Bathurst arrived in the colony requiring the flogging of women to be abolished, and the whip to be laid aside in the field, as the instrument of coercion in the hands of the driver. We have before us the copy of a letter from a person holding a public situation in Demerara, dated the 6th September last, in which he states that at this time" the public mind was much excited; and that it was well known among the Slave population that something was going forward for their benefit, although the colonial newspapers were prohibited from touching on the subject;

and it seemed evident to every one that the sooner some step, according with the wishes and desires of the General Government, was taken by the Colonial Government, the better; and every one looked to an immediate promulgation on the subject on the meeting of the Court of Policy; so much so, that on the day of its first meeting people were in town, we mean White persons, from most estates, for the purpose of returning to their estates informed and prepared how to act. The Court met, continued its sittings for several days; but nothing was done or known. Upon its adjourned meeting, a fortnight afterwards, precisely the same thing. A third adjourned meeting took place, to no better purpose. It was now understood, however, that there was a difference of opinion among the members of the court, and that some of those who are extensive proprietors argued that every concession to the Slave population was so much taken from the value of their property, and was leading to the absolute destruction of it, and that it was better to correspond with the Government before taking any step; and perhaps the matter might, on representation, be entirely abandoned. Thus the Court of Policy, after meeting for the third time, rose without doing any thing; at least without either public or private communication on the subject, or as to the result of their sittings."

It may be easily conceived in what a state of perturbation and anxiety the minds of the Negroes must have been kept, during this awful and protracted period of suspense. Every thing dear to them was felt to be at issue; and, knowing the men to whose decision their fate and that of their children was left, their alarms and apprehensions might be pardoned. We must place . ourselves in their situation, if we would duly estimate its difficulties and temptations.

The Governor of Berbice, on receiving Lord Bathurst's dispatch,

very judiciously employed a Missionary to explain its purport to the Slaves, and to address to them the necessary precautions and qualifications. At Berbice all has remained tranquil. Such was not the course pursued at Demerara. Whether Governor Murray imagined that the matter might be kept secret from the Slaves until a communication could be had with Lord Bathurst on the subject, we know not. In that case, he ought at least to have adopted measures for preserving the public peace in the interim. But the gentleman whom we have last quoted affirms, that "no measures of security were taken, nor any additional surveillance, except increasing nominally the militia drill days to two days in the week: and even this," he says, "was not strictly acted on; the police, in all its branches, remaining in the same state of looseness and inactivity as usual." The Governor omitted even to guard the privacy of his own domestic circle. The whole tenor of the evidence on the trial of the riotous Slaves proves that the information respecting the contents of Lord Bathurst's dispatch, reached them principallythrough the medium of the Governor's own domestics *. On the trial of Jack Gladstone, whose name has become familiar to our readers, it appeared that Jack told his fellows that he had been informed by his friend Daniel, the Governor's servant, that "it was really true about their freedom." Not satisfied with this, the witness says he asked him whether he had himself read the newspaper? to which he answers, No; but, in order to obviate all distrust, he adds, "I'll tell you a little news. The manager of Port Estate lately said to a Negro who was being flogged, What, because you are to be freed, you don't want to work!' What say you to that?" To this the

How it has happened that these domestics were neither brought to trial, nor produced as witnesses, is a mystery yet to be explained.