FOREIGN.

UNITED STATES.

THE President's Message to Congress is a most interesting and important document. It exhibits, what we witness without any feelings of rivalship, the increasing prosperity and happiness of a free and powerful nation, united to us by the bond of a common parentage, speaking a common language, and enjoying, like ourselves, a larger share of the blessings which belong to man as a social being than can perhaps be found in any other two nations on the globe. We observe with pleasure the bonds of union and friendly feeling which appear to be strengthening between the two countries. The Message is peculiarly respectful in its allusions to Great Britain, which alone, among the old nations, has had the wisdom and humanity to oppose the encroachments of arbitrary power, at least by its moral influence, whether in Europe or South America. On some points, however, our western friends have preceded us in the march of liberality, philanthropy, and sound policy, as the language of the Message on the following topics will shew.

First, we have the following communications respecting the Slave Trade.

"The usual orders have been given to all our public ships to seize American vessels engaged in the Slave Trade, and bring them in for adjudication: and I have the gratification to state, that not one so employed has been discovered; and there is good reason to believe that our flag is now seldom, if at all, disgraced by that traffic."

"In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives, adopted at their last session, instructions have been given to all the Ministers of the United States accredited to the powers of Europe and America, to propose the proscription of the African Slave-trade, by classing it under the denomination, and inflicting on its perpetrators the punishment, of piracy."

The United States were themselves the first to set this example; and it is truly honourable to the character of their government, that, not content with this, they are thus earnestly impressing the subject upon the convictions of the European cabinets. Our own country, so distinguished for its opposition to the Slave Trade, we trust will not be long before it affixes the

"At the commencement of the recent war between Frauce and Spain, it was declared by the French government that it would grant no commissions to privateers; and that neither the commerce of Spain herself, nor of neutral nations, should be molested by the naval force of France, except in the breach of a lawful blockade. This declaration, which appears to have been faithfully carried into effect, concurring with principles proclaimed and cherished by the United States, from the first establishment of their independence, suggested the hope that the time had arrived when the proposal for adopting it as a permanent and invariable rule in all future maritime wars might meet the favourable consideration of the great European powers. Instructions have accordingly been given to our Ministers with France, Russia, and Great Britain, to make those proposals to their respective governments; and when the friends of humanity reflect on the essential amelioration to the condition of the human race which would result from the abolition of private war on the sea, and on the great facility by which it might be accom plished, requiring only the consest of a dulged that these overtures will meet few sovereigns, an earnest hope is inwith an attention, animated by the spirit in which they were made, and that they will ultimately be successful."

These representations, we earnestly trust, will not be without their full effect upon the cabinets to which they have been addressed; and that the disgraceful, but hitherto licenced, outrage of privateering may for ever be renounced, and that Christian merchants will no longer be permitted to war upon each other in cold blood; seizing each other's ships and cargoes, and attacking, wounding, and killing the mariners on board, for the mere sake of plunder. Upon our own government, we would venture to in

dulge a hope, that this representation will produce the desired effect; and if Great Britain and the United States can agree to condemn the practice, inferior maritime states would, doubt less, be induced to concur in the measure. The time of peace is the proper period for discussing the subject; and we trust, therefore, that in the approaching session it will be urged on the notice of Government and Parliament. We are persuaded that the country at large would hail with the greatest satisfaction the termination of this nefarious practice.

On another subject also, deeply interesting to humanity and Christianity, the liberation of the Greeks from their present degraded state of bondage, the Message thus speaks :

"A strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest, and resume their equal station among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole civilized world takes a deep interest in their wel. fare. Although no power has declared in their favonr, yet none, according to our information, has taken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them from dangers, which might, ere this, have overwhelmed any other people. The ordinary calculations of interest, and of acquisition, with a view to aggrandisement, which mingle so much in the transactions of rations, seem to have had no effect in regard to them. From the facts which have come to our knowledge, there is good cause to believe that their enemy has lost for ever all dominion over them; and that Greece will become again an independent nation. That she may obtain that rank, is the object of our most ardent wishes."

The sentiments of the President, with respect to the invasion of Spain, and the circumstances of South America, are so just, and so coincident with the policy of this country, that we shall quote them at some length. The declaration that the United States will make a common cause with the SouthAmerican Governments, in case any European power should unite with Spain in the attempt to reduce them, is peculiarly important.

"The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favour of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that [the European] side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in their own matters, we have never taken any part; nor does

it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more which must be obvious to all enlightened immediately connected, and by canses and impartial observers. The political

system of the allied powers is essentially different, in this respect, from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure,

and matured by the wisdom of our most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candour, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or depen. dencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But, with the governments who have declared their independence, and main. tained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition; and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change, on the part of the United States, indis peusable to their security.

"It was stated at the commencement of the last session, that the greatest efforts were then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that they appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators.

"The late events in Spain and Portugal prove that the state of Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stranger proof can be adduced, than

that the allied powers should have thought proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same; which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any power; tb cousider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are emi nently and conspicuously different.

"It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either conti nent, without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our Southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, there fore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain, and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."

While the United States shall continue thus to respect the rights of other nations, and to exert themselves in the cause of the public welfare, it will be with no feelings but those of pleasure that we shall record statements like the following.

"If we compare the present condition of our Union, with its actual state at the close of our Revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement in all the impor tant circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation which bears any resemblance to it. At the first epoch, our population did not exceed three millions. By the last census it amounted to about ten millions; and what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native-for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknowledged limits was unin.

habited and a wilderness. Since then, new territory has been acquired, of vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the Mississippi, the navigation of which, to the ocean, was of the highest importance to the original states. Over this territory our population has extended in every direction, and new states have been established, almost equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our Union."

We have devoted so much space to this important document, that we have Indeed there is not much that requires none left for other foreign transactions. notice. Spain has made no advance during the month towards the settlement of her intestine commotions. Rumours still continue of the wishes of some of the continental powers to counter-revolutionize South America; but after the declaration of the United States, and the known policy of Great Britain on this subject, such an attempt does not seem to be very pro

bable.

DOMESTIC.

By far the most important, and indeed almost the only important, topic of the month, has been the proceedings in our West India Colonies. Our readers recollect that, in the last session of Parliament, Mr. Canning, on the behalf of his Majesty's Government, proposed the following important resolutions, which were adopted without one dissenting voice: even the numerous West Indians who occupy seats in Parliament voted for them; and such of them as spoke on the occasion* expressed their approbation of them.

1st. "That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for meliorating the condition of the slave population in his majesty's colonies,

2d. "That through a determined and persevering, but judicious and temperate, enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population; such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's subjects.

3d. "That this House is anxious for the accomplishment of this purpose,

The speakers were, Mr. C. Ellis, Sir G. Rose, Mr. Bright, Mr. Bernal, Mr. Marryat, and Mr. Baring.

at the earliest period that may be compatible with the well-being of the slaves, the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of all par

ties concerned therein."

The unanimous concurrence of the West India body in these resolutions, resolutions embodying substantially the general views of the abolitionists, was the more remarkable and gratifying, as the organ of his Majesty's Government, Mr. Canning, had previously stated in the House, that he abjured the principle of perpetual slavery: "I admit," he said, as fully as the honourable gentleman himself (Mr. Buxton) that the spirit, both of the British constitution and of the Christian religion, is in favour of a gradual extermination of this unquestioned evil; and I am ready to proceed to all reasonable and practicable measures for that purpose;" and as he had signified (other points being reserved), that it was the view of Government that the driving system should be superseded; that female slaves should no longer be liable to be flogged; that Sunday should be appropriated to rest, recreation, and religious instruction; and that the slave should have a legal title to pro

perty.

The matter having thus been taken into the hands of Government, and these important principles having been recognised and acceded to by all the West Indians in Parliament, a sanguine hope was entertained by many that the colonial legislatures would cordially cooperate in giving them effect. It was in this hope that his Majesty's Government resolved to leave to them the adoption of the suggested reforms; intimating, however, at the same time, that any resistance which they might manifest to the express and declared wishes of Parliament-any resistance, that is to say, which should partake not of reason, but of contumacy would create a case on which to come down to Parliament for counsel."

Those Members of Parliament, how ever, who had taken a leading part in the agitation of the question, could indulge no such hope. Instructed by painful experience, they saw nothing in this reference to the colonial legislatures, but opposition and delay, defeat and disappointment; and they, therefore, protested against it. It will be seen whether the event has 'verified their apprehensions,

His Majesty's Government appear to
CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 265.

have lost no time in taking measures for carrying the resolutions of Parliament into effect. What were the instructions transmitted to the colonial authorities, we shall probably be made acquainted with when Parliament assembles. The only document we have seen which wears the air of authenti

city, is a letter said to be addressed by Lord Bathurst to the Governor of Demerara. It appeared in several of the daily papers on the 24th instant, and bears the date of the 24th May, 1824. If genuine, as it probably is, it will afford some idea of the general tenor of his lordship's instructions. The letter is as follows:

“ Colonial-Office, Downing-street, May 24, 1823.

-" I take the earliest opportunity of communicating to you the resolutions which were ananimously agreed to by

the House of Commons on the 15th inunderstand, not only the general imstant; and in order that you may better pression of the House in coming to these resolutions, but more particularly the principles which have guided his Majesty's Government in proposing them, and which will continue to guide them in the measures to be adopted for the furtherance of the important objects to best report that I can procure, although which they relate, E have enclosed the it may not be altogether a correct one, of the speech of Mr. Secretary Canning. “I do not propose, in this dispatch, to call your immediate attention to all the subjects to which that speech refers; but to confine myself to one of those points on which I have not found that any difference of opinion exists, and which, being simple in its nature, may be at once a dopted, namely--an absolute prohibition to inflict the punishment of flogging, under any circumstances, upon female slaves. The system of meliorating the condition of slaves, to which his Majesty's Government stand pledged by

these resolutions, cannot better coinmence than by the adoption of a principle which, in making a distinction of treatment between male and female slaves, cannot fail to raise this unfortunate class generally above their present degraded level, and to restore to the female slaves that sense of sitame which is at once the ornament and protection of their sex, and which their present mode of punishment has tended so unfortu nately to weaken, if not to obliterate. cated to you his Majesty's commands, that the punishment of flogging should for the future cease with respect to female slaves, had I not been desirous that the probibition should proceed from the Court of Policy; as I am unwilling K

"I should therefore have communi

to deprive them of the satisfaction which I am sure they will feel in originating and supporting a measure which has been approved of by all classes.

1

With respect to the practice of driving the slaves to their work by the sound of the whip, and to the arbitrary infliction of it by the driver as a stimulus to labour, I am equally disposed to trust to the Court of Policy to originate measures for the cessation of this practice, which, I need not state, must be repug nant to the feelings of every individual in this country. I am aware that a necessity may exist for retaining the punishment of flogging, with respect to males, though, at the same time, it should be subject to defined regulations and restrictions; but, as an immediate measure, I cannot too strongly recommend that the whip should no longer be carried into the field, and there displayed by the driver as the emblem of his authority, or employed as the ready instrument of his displeasure.-I have the honour to be, sir, your most obe. dient servant,

(Signed)

"BATHURST.",

Assuming the instructions transmitted to the other colònies to be similar in their general import to those which were sent to Demerara (in some cases they appear to have been more detailed), we are enabled in some degree to judge what were the proposed changes which have produced such an universal ferment as we have recently witnessed among the resident colonists in the West Indies. Their exasperation indeed has been such as to make them overlook all prudential considerations, as well as all respect for the supreme, power of Parliament. Tremblingly alive as they have professed themselves to be to even a word breathed in England on the subject of slavery, they have nevertheless made the whole West-Indian archipelago to resound with the most violent declamations, and the most intemperate resolutions respecting it. And while speaking in the most unmeasured language of their dangers from insurrection, they most absurdly and impotently threaten to abandon their only means of protection against it, by throwing off their allegiance to the British crown. We will cite a few exemplifications of their general tone and temper, which bear a nearer resemblance to what is called bullying than we recollect to have met with before in any official documents, excepting those which proceeded from the same bodies twenty or thirty years ago,on every agitation of the question

the Slave Trade in Parliament. The

addresses and resolutions voted by the West Indians during that memorable controversy have furnished the materials, nay, in many cases the very words, for those recently framed: and yet neither did any insurrection follow the abolition of the Slave Trade, nor was the wild threat of throwing off the King's allegiance executed in any instance. What a comment on the present proceedings!

From Jamaica we have abundance of inflammatory and violent resolu tions. The following is a specimen.

"Resolved, That the late proceedings in the British Parliament" (the only proceedings having been the abovecited resolutions) 66 are a violation of every constitutional charter we have enjoyed hitherto; an infraction of every compact written and implied; a breach of the sacred trust reposed in them by the general voice of the empire, and a subversion of every legal and political obligation; having a tendency in their very discussion to produce anarchy and confusion" (what then must be the tendency of the loud and vehement WestIndian discussions ?)" and in their adoption to inflict punishment for alleged crime only" (the punishment_being that their slaves, who also are British subjects, shall be protected by law) contrary to every principle of its own jurisprudence. We are therefore bound by every law, human and divine, to assert those rights" (q. wrongs?) “which we have inherited in common with every British subject, and to resist, by every means in our power, interferences unwarranted by national interest or expediency."

66

"That the property which has been industry, under the sanction, encourageacquired by our ancestors' and our own ment, solicitation, and promises of the mother country, is inviolable by its own laws; that we were satisfied with it, and would have remained so under all its disadvantages, so long as the original compact of the British Goverment was respected; but now that we see it inclined to violate every established charter and moral obligation, we consider ourselves justified in calling on Par liament and the British Nation to pay liberty to offer our allegiance where us for our possessions, or leave us at our personal safety can be insured by the observance of legal enactments.” *

And not content with thus attack

ing Parliament, they proceed to assail their own friends. They resolve,

८.

the utmost concern the proceedings of "That this meeting has viewed with a certain class of persons in England, who style themselves the West-Indian Committee. If their proceedings had been calculated to give effect to the