CHAPTER XII.

MR. CLAY is again candidate for the Presidency, and suffers renewed defeat Sorrow of his friends-War with Mexico-Acquisition of Territory-Embarrassing questions-Danger to the Union-Mr. CLAY accepts a seat in the Senate-His heroic efforts to quiet the distraction of his country-It is the Chieftain's last battle-Disease advances-His death-His abilities as a statesman and orator-His characteristics as a

man.

THE Whig party submitted, as they were compelled to do, but submitted indignantly, to the results arising from their ill-starred choice. Waiting with impatience for the termination of President Tyler's misrule, they resolved that when they entered the next political contest, it should be with men whose principles were tried and true. Every consideration directed their choice to the patriot of Ashland. He certainly could not prove treacherous to that system and to that party of which he himself was the founder. Propriety long before would have given to his claims the preference over those of every competitor. But the four years of disappointment had brought an abundant harvest of regrets.

When, therefore, the Whig Convention met at Baltimore, in 1844, it was pervaded with but one sentiment. No rival claims were there. The popular voice had spoken decisively, and the convention was its faithful echo. There was no occasion for the usual balloting. Amid the tumultuous cheering, opportunity was hardly afforded to hear a resolution which was offered. It declared Mr. CLAY the choice of the assembly, and was adopted upon the instant by acclamation. Theodore Frelinghuysen, a man of excellent qualities and unquestioned probity, was placed upon the ticket with him for the Vice Presidency. With these

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leaders, the Whigs were sanguine of success. The possibility of defeat was hardly dreamed of. The canvassing went on with an enthusiasm akin to that of 1840.

The Democrats had nominated, in opposition, a member of their party hardly known beyond his own neighborhood. With such a candidate, it was thought that the self-styled Democracy would inevitably suffer an overwhelming defeat. But the result proved their choice to be more politic than their opponents had imagined.

In April, Mr. CLAY published in the National Intelligencer a letter called, in reference to the place from which it was dated, the Raleigh letter. In that letter he took decided ground against the proposed annexation of Texas. But the Texas scheme was popular. The candor of Mr. CLAY operated to his detriment. His opponent was more discreet. Obscurity had given him the advantage of not appearing committed to any decisive policy. He was determined not to compromise this advantage by any indiscretions of speech.

The election went duly on. The returns, as they came in, indicated a close contest. There were abundant evidences, in some sections, of corruption. Mr. CLAY, however, seemed in the ascendant. New York State, it was believed, had given him a majority. The Whigs assembled in the city of New York to celebrate their supposed victory. Cannons were fired; universal rejoicing reigned, but all this festivity was doomed to a speedy termination. Later returns indicated that, by a defection from the Whig ranks, New York State was lost, and that Mr. CLAY was defeated.

The revulsion of feeling which attended the ascertainment of this fact can not be described. With many the feeling, for a time, was more like that from the loss of all earthly hopes, and the burial of all earthly friendships, than such as usually attends the result of a mere political contest. Letters poured in upon Mr. CLAY, expressive of such feelings as are seldom entertained toward the unsuccessful politician. But it is not often that one stands in the attitude to the public, which Mr. CLAY occupied. The politician was not so prominent in him, as the

patriot. The people regarded him, not so much as a statesman and legislator, as a public benefactor and friend.

Mr. CLAY was evidently deeply disappointed, but he bore his disappointment nobly. The Kentucky electors, after depositing their vote at Frankfort, their capital, waited upon him at Ashland, to tender their regrets for his defeat. He came forth to meet them, and in reply to their address, said, with much feeling: "I will not affect indifference to the personal concern I had in the political contest just terminated; but unless I am greatly self-deceived, the principal attraction to me of the office of President of the United States, arose out of the cherised hope that I might be an humble instrument in the hands of Providence to accomplish public good. I desired to see the former purity of the General Government restored, and to see dangers and evils which I sincerely believed encompassed it, averted and remedied. I was anxious that the policy of the country, especially in the great department of domestic labor and industry, should be fixed and stable, and that all might know how to regulate and accommodate their conduct. And, fully convinced of the wisdom of the public measures, which you have enumerated, I hoped to live to witness, and to contribute to, their adoption and establishment."

Mr. Polk was inducted into office almost at the moment when, through the agency of President Tyler, the annexation of Texas to the United States was consummated. The war with Mexico, which Mr. CLAY had predicted, soon followed. The feeble Mexicans were easily vanquished. The Americans penetrated to the heart of Mexico, and accomplished in effect, what, in terms of rhetorical bombast, they designated "reveling in the halls of the Montezumas."

American valor brought the war to a speedy and successful conclusion, but in its results the contest was transferred from the plains of Mexico to the floors of Congress. The acquisition of Territory brought with it embarrassing questions. In the extension of the borders of the Union, its stability was imperiled. The country was again brought into an emergency which demanded the services of the Great Pacificator. But,