Page images
PDF
EPUB

It doubtless must be admitted, that Mr. CLAY's views of the Constitution, during a course of years, underwent a change. He was less a States' Rights man than at first. By his political sagacity, he saw how much for the country a vigorous central power, well administered, might accomplish. He saw that to limit the Constitution, as some desired to limit it, would render that instrument a most effete and worthless thing. He saw that the tendency of the States' Rights doctrine was to rob us of our unity, in which resides our strength, and to substitute for it the weakness of jealous and conflicting sovereignties. He saw the great resources of our country, and he longed to develop them. Those resources, he felt, could not be made productive, unless Government reached out to them its arm of strength. A little more of federalism he, therefore, ingrafted upon his early democracy; but it was because the good and glory of his country pointed him to such a course. He was such a leader as the times demanded,—one to inaugurate a more united and vigorous policy. The country was undergoing a salutary political change, and it was given him to be the master-spirit of that change. His measures constituted him the founder and leader of a new party. That party, bearing long the old and honored name of Whig, is now, in all that is distinctive, passing away; but it would be wrong, either to measure the extent of its influence, by the length of its years, or to believe that it has passed the autumn of its decline, without accomplishing the mission for which it was called into existence. Most of the measures, which constituted its favorite policy, have, indeed, been permitted quietly to pass from notice, but not before they subserved, some of them at least, the valuable temporary ends for which they were designed; and not before others exerted upon the legislation of the country a formative influence, which, if not so great as was aimed at, is yet too decided to be effaced. As each year makes more apparent the vigor and efficiency of our noble Government; as each year reveals new proofs of the wonderful resources of our country; as each year gladdens our land with prosperity, and pours into our coffers no stinted tide of wealth, let not the agency of the Whig party, in accomplishing the glad result, be

forgotten, and let not fitting honors be refused to the memory of their gallant leader, "HARRY CLAY."

The views upon internal improvements, which Mr. CLAY advocated, on the thirteenth of March, he had the satisfaction of seeing sustained by Congress. The resolution was adopted by a vote of ninety to seventy-five. His labors, at different periods, for kindred objects, rendered him, in many sections of the country, the most popular man of the nation. At a prominent point upon the Cumberland road, which was constructed mainly through his influence, a stone, inscribed with his name, was erected to commemorate the gratitude of the people.

In 1818, Mr. CLAY came into conflict, for the first time, with his future adversary," the man of iron will." General Jackson had been sent with an army, to repress disturbances occasioned by the Seminole Indians. In the discharge of his duty, he paid but little regard to the usages of civilized warfare. The unfortunate savages received, at his hands, such treatment as might be given to pirates or wild beasts. Two traders, Arbuthnot and Ambrister, were hung in violation of the rules of war. Several Spanish fortresses, though we were at peace with Spain, were attacked and taken.

A resolution of censure was moved in the House of Representatives. It became the occasion of a most exciting and stormy debate. Jackson was at the summit of popularity, as the hero of New Orleans. Yet CLAY did not hesitate to characterize his conduct, in the terms which it deserved.

"To you, Mr. Chairman," said he, in the conclusion of his speech, "belongs the high privilege of transmitting, unimpaired, to posterity the fair character and liberty of our country. Do you expect to execute this high trust, by trampling, or suffering to be trampled down, law, justice, the Constitution, and the rights of the people ?-by exhibiting examples of inhumanity, and cruelty, and ambition? When the minions of despotism. heard, in Europe, of the seizure of Pensacola, how did they chuckle, and chide the admirers of our institutions, tauntingly pointing to the demonstration of a spirit of injustice and aggrandizement, made by our country in the midst of an amicable

negotiation. Behold, said they, the conduct of those who are constantly reproaching kings. You saw how those admirers were astounded and hung their heads. You saw, too, when that illustrious man, who presides over us, adopted his pacific, moderate, and just course, how they once more lifted up their heads, with exultation and delight beaming on their countenances. And you saw how those minions, themselves, were finally compelled to unite in the general praises bestowed upon our government. Beware how you forfeit this exalted character. Beware how you give a fatal sanction, in this infant period of our Republic, scarcely yet two score years old, to military insubordination. Remember that Greece had her Alexander, Rome her Cæsar, England her Cromwell, France her Bonaparte, and that if we would escape the rock on which they split, we must avoid their errors.

"How different has been the treatment of General Jackson, and that modest but heroic young man, a native of one of the smallest States in the Union, who achieved for his country, on Lake Erie, one of the most glorious victories of the late war. In a moment of passion, he forgot himself and offered an act of violence, which was repented of as soon as perpetrated. He was tried, and suffered the judgment to be pronounced by his peers. Public justice was thought even then not to be satisfied. The press and Congress took up the subject. My honorable friend. from Virginia (Mr. Johnson), the faithful and consistent sentinel of the law and of the Constitution, disapproved in that instance, as he does in this, and moved an inquiry. The public mind remained agitated and unappeased, until the recent atonement, so honorably made by the gallant Commodore. And is there to be a distinction between the officers of the two branches of the public service? Are former services, however eminent, to preclude even inquiry into recent misconduct? Is there to be no limit, no prudential bounds to the national gratitude? I am not disposed to censure the President for not ordering a court of inquiry, or a general court-martial. Perhaps impelled by a sense of gratitude, he determined, by anticipation, to extend to the General that pardon, which he had the undoubted right to

grant after sentence. Let us not shrink from our duty. Let us assert our constitutional powers, and vindicate the instrument from military violation."

The popularity of Jackson, however, and the tacit influence of the Executive availed to prevent the passage of the resolution of censure.

CLAY, at the opening of his speech, had expressly disclaimed the influence of any personal prejudice.

"In rising to address you, Mr. Chairman," he had said, “on the very interesting subject which now engages the attention of Congress, I must be allowed to say, that all influences drawn from the course, which it will be my painful duty to take in this discussion, of unfriendliness, either to the chief magistrate of the country, or to the illustrious military chieftain, whose operations are under investigation, will be wholly unfounded. Toward that distinguished captain, who shed so much glory on our country,-whose renown constitutes so great a portion of its moral property,—I never had, I never can have any other feelings than those of the most profound respect and of the utmost kindness."

But this disavowal was not sufficient to avert the anger of the irascible General. He took deep offense at the course pursued by CLAY. Upon visiting Washington, which he did soon after, he refused to hold any communication with him. From this point, therefore, we date the beginning of the war between the political chieftains.

CHAPTER VII.

MR. CLAY as a "pacificator "-Missouri desires admission-Violent agitation of slavery-The Compromise-The efforts of Mr. CLAY.

MR. CLAY's talents, during twenty years, had been displayed in various forms of legislation. One position remained to be tried before his character, as a statesman and patriot, might be pronounced complete. The opportunity soon presented itself. A struggle, not between this and other Governments, but the more fearful throes of civil dissension, occupied the public thought, and gave alarm to all the well-wishers of our institutions. CLAY'S services, for the first time, were demanded to pacify fraternal strife. He had earned laurels of which he might be proud in other and varied capacities, but so well did he acquit himself in this, so pre-eminently did he attract all eyes to himself, as to the only one who could accomplish what others despaired of; and so successfully, more than once afterward, did he perform the same benignant office, that no title seems so entirely to befit him as that by which he has sometimes been designated,-"The Great Pacificator."

The event which first revealed him to the country, in the capacity of which we speak, was what has been called the Missouri Question. As early as 1818, the Territory of Missouri intimated a desire to be admitted to the privileges of a State. The subject was taken up in Congress, in the session of 1818-19. The bill relating to the subject became the occasion of the most violent excitement, upon the vexed question of Slavery. The House of Representatives inserted in it the following resolutions, which were incorporated by a small majority:

« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »