mother's side. Persons of mixed blood now constitute | appear to be exaggerated, and, indeed, conjecture can no inconsiderable portion of the people. At present no white man is allowed to take a Cherokee wife without being regularly married, nor to be married to a Cherokee woman without license from the national clerk. White men who have Cherokee families have a right to vote at elections, but are not capable of holding an office. The descendants of Cherokees and whites have a right to all the privileges of citizenship. Intermarriages are still common. THE RAIL ROAD. hardly approximate very closely the results of opening such an avenue to regions so extensive, populous, and fertile. In the article of grain, alone, the cost of production, including in it the carriage to market, would be so greatly diminished, as probably to establish Baltimore, for an indefinite period, an unrivalled mart for grain.There would be a proportional increase, from the like cause, of the other usual products of agricultural and manufacturing industry, as hemp, tobacco, flax, flaxseed, animal provision, lard, tallow, whiskey, iron, glass, &c. and cotton, instead of descending to New Orleans, would The July number of the "North American Review," seek its way in large quantities, by this direct channel, to contains a review of the proceedings of the citizens of a seaport more convenient to the European markets. Baltimore in regard to the contemplated rail road to the But it is, perhaps, on the trade in the heavy and bulky Ohio river, and of the report of the committee on that products of the soil itself, that the influence of a cheap subject, as published here in February last. This highly and practicable road to market, would be the most interesting article concludes with the following remarks: striking. The districts contiguous to the line of the When we regard the situation of Baltimore, as respects railway, abound in coal of the best quality, in lime, the populous and productive empire growing up in her slate, marble, freestone, marl, gypsum, and timber; but rear, and compared with that of the other great marts on their great weight, and the want of economical commuthe seaboard, there seems little doubt of her securing, in nications, have rendered them hitherto of little or no the event of her completing the proposed road, far the value to the proprietors of the soil. The commerce in larger portion of the western trade. Her greater prox- these would therefore be rather created than augmented, Imity, (itself sufficient to turn the scale in her favor, other and that to an extent which may be conjectured from circumstances being the same), is accompanied by some the single fact, that at present the lime used in Washingother obvious advantages. To the perishable articles of ton, is brought from Rhode Island, when there lies an western export, such as breadstuffs and other provisions, inexhaustible supply of it at her very doors. The value the climate of New Orleans, her first competitor, is ex- of the fuel abounding in this district would be so much tremely injurious, and to the damage of this merchandise the greater to Maryland, as that state possesses immense must be added the no inconsiderable danger of life to the stores of iron ore of the most valuable kind, which will trader, in that unwholesome mart. Neither has the convey-long outlast the supply of fuel from the present sources; ance by the rivers, being liable to interruption by both to say nothing of the impulse which, in the increasing drought and ice, the same certainty or duration as by a rail-use of steam power, would be given to innumerable road, which may be used at all seasons, and the time of tran-other manufactures, in a port convenient for shipping sit computed to an hour. The imports to the west are still them elsewhere. But to descend to the particulars of carried in wagons across the mountains, instead of ascend- this extensive subject, would much exceed our limits.ing those rivers from New Orleans, and the construction There, is, however, one branch of trade, which, at a of a railway would determine this branch of trade exclu- small cost, will add materially to the luxury of the table sively to that route. From the peculiar nature of the in the interior; we mean in fresh fish and oysters; to country bordering on the Mississippi and its tributaries, commodities of this sort, as well as fresh fruits and ve the dangers of the descending navigation of that river are getables from the interior, the saving of time in conveyunlikely to be ever effectually removed, to say nothing ance is every thing. By the prescut slow transport, sea of the distance of New Orleans from the ocean, and from fish and oysters are wholly denied to districts remote Europe. from the coast; and as the Chesapeake and its waters abound in these, a new branch of industry, and a great augmentation of their tonnage, would accrue to the nautical population inhabiting the shores of the bay. A mode of communication of which the celerity may be increased so far beyond that of any other, is espe cially advantageous in this country, whose population is comparatively sparse, and so many of whose most fertile districts lie extremely remote from the sca. If this circumstance be so important to the trade of England, no part of whose interior lies farther than perhaps a hundred miles from a seaport, of what moment must it be to the vast districts beyond the Ohio, some of which are distant two thousand miles from New Orleans, none of them nearer to an Atlantic port than two hundred and fifty; and the greater part distant more than five hundred? On the height of land between the Ohio and the Atlantic, there lies an extensive district, especially valuable for pasturage, which, being remote from both, is now desert and valueless, when compared with the districts on either side. On these tracts, fertile in vegetable and probably much more so in mineral treasures, the completion of a way to market would operate with immense benefit, and open new fountains of trade at a point comparatively near to the Atlantic ports. Nor is it more probable that the western canal of New York will divert any considerable portion of this trade, especially that of the districts lying remote from lake Erie. Besides the disadvantage of the port of New York in point of distance, and the greater cost of shipping and the delay before alluded to, (both of which will be much enhanced by the necessity of four different trans-shipments,) that avenue must be closed by the climate during three or four of those months of the year which are most convenient to the farmer for bringing his produce to market. Even at this moment, the produce from the Susquehannah country bordering close on the canal, is brought by that river to Baltimore in the spring, and several thousand tons of merchanise are landed on her wharves before the canal is released from its icy bonds. This is an important evidence of the preferableness of a ready and early conveyance to market. Neither is it believed, that the Allegany ridge can be pierced with the same advantage, by a canal or railway, at any point, either north or south of that projected by Baltimore. In both directions, the abruptness of the rocky ridge, or its remoteness from tide, or both, are greater than they are near the valley of the Potomac, while to the south, moreover, there is no port of consequence convenient at once to the sea and to the interior. As the effect, in short, of the proposed road In the western states the combined effect of the will be to replace Baltimore on a level at least, with her abundance of food and of the remoteness of a market, rivals as to facility of conveyance, so her advantage in dis- would naturally be the rapid introduction of manufac tance must restore to her that preeminence as a depot of tures; while, on the other hand, any diminution of the produce from the interior, which was one of the chief expense of getting their agricultural products to market, sources of her original prosperity. When it is remem- and, from the like cause of obtaining their supply of forbered that the streams of commerce, like others, are de-eign fabrics in return, would, it is presumed, as natutermined in their course by slightest circumstances, it rally retard the extension of domestic manufacture. As seems highly probable that the tide of the western trade, this circumstance would prolong in this country the preespecially from the middle regions, will, by one of such sent extensive importation of British fabrics and other moment, be turned chiefly in the direction of Baltimore. foreign dry goods, so that importation would naturally Any certain computation of the increase of trade, to be made to the port most convenient for distributing them which the pending project would give rise, is of course, into the interior. In the event, therefore, of the comnot to be expected. The estimates of the report do not pletion of the railway, Baltimore would probably share largely with New York in that important branch of not resist the reasoning of the fragrant beverage, with trade, at present nearly engrossed by the latter, if she the discussion of the themes of universal interest, and did not finally attract the larger portion of it. At any it was determined that they should not be led into such rate, her importance as a mere depot of goods to be irresistible temptation, and that it should be removed by conveyed to the west, would be very greatly augmented. throwing the tea overboard. It was proposed that young And as speed and certainty are not less important to the men not much known in town, and not liable to be eadealer himself, than in the conveyance of his commodi-sily recognized, should lead in the business. Our narties, this route and mode of conveyance, would have the rator believes that most of the persons selected for the preference in every case, except of mere pleasure. The occasion were apprentices and journeymen; not a few conveyance of travellers on a route the shortest and of them, as was the case with himself, living with tory most used, would, in the great and increasing intercourse masters. He had but a few hours warning of what was between the east and the west, be of itself a lucrative intended to be done. The part which he took in the busource of income to the proprietors of the railway, and siness, is related as follows, and nearly in his own words: of profit to the towns on its course, and at its respective I labored as a journeyman blacksmith with Western & terminations. Gridley, blacksmiths by trade, and Baptists by profesIn counting the cost of such an enterprise as that sion. Western, at the time, was neutral, but afterwards which the people of Baltimore have embarked in, it is became a tory. Our numbers were between 28 and 30. but fair in the computation, to oppose the magnitude of Of my associates, I only remember the names of Cunthe results to that of the attempt, as the adventurous- ningham, Mead, Martin, and Grant. We were met toness of the latter is proportionally justified by the be-gether one evening, talking over the tyranny of the Brinefits of the former. In this view, the zeal exhibited by tish government, such as the duties, shutting up the Baltimore on this subject, is no more than we should ex- port of Boston, the murdering of Mr. Gray's family, pect from a rational enterprise. On the one hand her sending people to England for trial, and sundry other importance will be infinitely magnified by success; on acts of oppression. Our indignation was increased by the other, it is certain that, without some more practica- having heard of the arrival of the tea ships at this time. ble and convenient communication with the west, than We agreed that if the tea was landed, the people could she now has, the trade of that quarter, which has here- not withstand the temptation and would certainly buy it. tofore conferred on her such extraordinary advantages, We came to a sudden determination to make sure work will be in a great measure grasped by more enterprising of it, by throwing it all overboard. We first talked of or more fortunate competitors. The necessary invest-firing the ships, but we feared the fire would communiment of capital, will not, perhaps, be greater than what cate to the town. We then proposed sinking them, but has already been profitably bestowed on the numerous we dropped this project, through fear that we should turnpike roads, which she has constructed, into the inte- alarm the town, before we could get through with it. rior. We find among the directors of the company in- We had observed that very few persons remained on corporated for carrying this scheme into effect, the names board the three vessels, and we finally concluded that of some of her most conspicuous inhabitants: men who we could take possession of them and discharge the tea have large interests at issue, and whose wealth is the ac- into the harbor without danger or opposition. The greatcumulation of many years of industry and commercial est objection to our plan was, that it would take such a sagacity. We have reason to believe that the greater great length of time to carry it through, and render us part of the stock subscribed, is held by persons who more liable to detection. We agreed, oue and all, that have no purpose of speculation, but who are determined we should go on at the risk of our lives. We proceeded to give the practicableness of the scheme a cautious and to contrive the mode of accomplishing our business. thorough investigation, and then to prosecute it to a com- One of the ships laid at Hancock's wharf, and the others pletion, if within the compass of their means. As a a few paces out in the stream, with their warps made great national work, we shall feel much interest in seeing fast to the same wharf. We agreed in order, as much it brought to a successful termination, and shall probably as we might prevent ourselves from being discovered, to have occasion to notice hereafter the inquiries which, in wear ragged clothes, and disfigure ourselves as much as the course of the summer, are to be pursued, both at possible. We concluded to meet at an old building, at home and abroad, in reference to it. the head of the wharf, and to fall in one after another as if by accident, so as not to excite suspicion. After we had pledged our honor that we would not reveal our secret plan, we separated. After witnessing the many triumphs of science in the present age, we confess we are more inclined to confide in speculations reasonable in themselves, and to hope that railroads may add as largely to the facilities of commerce, as canals have done before them. It is certain, at least that if this large enterprise of Baltimore be brought to a happy issue, its benefits will be of the first importance, not to that mart alone, but to the general commerce of the country; and in this latter point of view it highly merits attention from the government of the union, THROWING THE TEA OVERBOARD. [From the July number of Flint's Western Monthly Review.] These reflections occurred to us, in consequence of meeting the other day with a person, and probably the only surviving one, who took a part in throwing the tea overboard from the British ships in Boston harbor,-undoubtedly one of the measures which precipitated the revolution. His name is Joshua Wyeth, a relative of the celebrated John Wyeth, of Cambridge, whom every Harvard scholar of the times of the venerable Willard and Tappan so well remembers. He lives in this city, is turned of seventy-five years, appears to be uncommonly cheerful, although it is believed his circumstances are straightened. His simple narrative gave us vivid impressions of the feelings which actuated his fellow townsmen, on the occasion of bringing the tea into Boston harbor. News of the most Interesting nature transpired every day. Never was a period so full of rumors and reports, which had not yet acquired the horrible and bloody interest to unfit them for the tea table. The patriots saw that the fair could At the appointed time we all met according to agree. ment. We were dressed to resemble Indians, as much as possible. We had smeared our faces with grease and soot or lampblack. We should not have known each other save by our voices, and we surely resembled devilsfrom the bottomless pit rather than men. We placed our sentry at the head of the wharf, one in the middle and one in the bow of each ship as we took possession. We then proceeded rapidly to business. We boarded the ship which was moored by the wharf, and the leader of our company in a very stern and resolute manner ordered the captain and crew to open the hatchways, and hand us the hoisting tackle and ropes. The captain asked us what we intended to do? The leader told him we were going to unload the ships of tea, and ordered him and thre crew below, assuring him, that if they obeyed no harm was intended them. They instantly obeyed without murmurs or threats. Some of our numbers jumped into the hold, and passed the tea-chests to the tackle. As they were hoisted on deck, others knocked them open with axes, and others raised them to the railing, and discharged their contents overboard. All that were not needed for discharging the tea from the first ship, went on board the others and warped them into the wharf, where the same ceremonies were repeated as at the first ship. While we were unloading the people collected in great numbers about the wharf, to see what was going on They crowded about so as to be much in our way. We paid no attention to them, nor did they say any thing to us. They evidently wished us success, as none of them gave any information against us. I believe our station. ing sentries, were to communicate information, in case we were likely to be detected by the civil or military power. They were charged to give us notice in case any known tory came down to the wharf. But our main dependence was on the good will of the people. We stirred briskly in the business, from the moment we left our dressing-room. We were merry in an under tone, at the idea of making so large a cup of tea for the fishes, but were as still as the case would admit. No more words were used than were necessary. Our most intimate acquaintances, among the spectators had not the least knowledge of us. I never labored harder in my life, and we were so expeditious, although it was late in the evening when we began we had discharged the whole three cargoes before the dawn of day. names. It may be supposed that there was much talk about it next morning, The tories, civil, military and spies, made a great fuss, and called the business divers hard Proclamations and rewards, to procure detection, were all to no purpose. We pretended to be as zealous to find out the perpetrators as the rest. We often talked with the tories about it. We were all so close and loyal, that the whole affair remained in Egyptian darkness. We used sometimes, afterwards to meet and talk the affair over, never failing to end by drinking. "The hearty boys of America forever." MR. BUCKNER'S ADDRESS. To his constituents, in relation to gen. Jackson's letter to col. Wm. Owens. One last and violent struggle was to be made. Expressions alleged to have been uttered by me, more than two years since, were ascribed to me, in which I am represented as evincing an utter contempt, both for the people of my district, and for the republican principles on which our government is founded. To those statements, in a few hand-bills, hastily prepared, I gave a most positive and unequivocal denial; and by the testimony of a gentleman of high respectability, disproved them, as far as a negative is susceptible of proof. Before I had time to prepare even that defence, the letter alluded to made its appearance. It contains a slander which was perhaps not intended for publication, but for the eye of his friend and correspondent, Wm. Owens, esq. Gen. Jackson in that letter, dated 26th of July last, influenced by motives, which no one of common sense can misunderstand, and which every man of honorable sentiments must condemn as utterly unworthy and contemptible, asserts that circumstances on record at Washington city stamp my allegations with falsehood. Printed copies of this foul and slanderous letter were circulated through my district in every direction, for about a week before the election, at a time when it was known, both by its writer and the individual to whom it was addressed, that I should have no opportunity of making a written reply to it, until after the election was over. What my allegations were, is not stated. Had there been any specification, an epportunity would have been afforded to me of relying upon either a denial or justification. But it best suits the purposes of defamation to deal in general remarks. I hope To the voters of the eighth congressional district. that I shall be forgiven by you, in the vindication of myThe election of a member to congress from this dis-self, by following the vulgar example set, and declaring, trict having closed, I can address you, without incurring the censure of acting from interested motives in relation to it. The political excitement which has prevailed in this district and throughout the state, dictates the propriety of permitting the ebulitions of passion to subside as soon as possible, and not to give additional fuel to the flame. Such was my ardent desire; and I should have contented myself, by returning to you my most grateful acknowledgements for the recent testimony which you have furnished of your unabated confidence, in at least my disposition to serve you faithfully, in the arduous and honorable station to which you have called me, at three successive elections, had it not been for a most extraordinary attempt, made by gen. Andrew Jackson, not only to injure my prospect of election, but to assail the purity of my motives in the course which I pursued during the canvass. You all know what that course has been, and the unprincipled attacks which some of my enemies have made upon me. With them, no fabrications against the administration, (for whose acts they seem disposed to hold me responsible), was too barefaced; no misrepresentation of my political opinions, was too ridiculous to be essayed by men, who seemed determined on success, utterly regardless of the means employed to ensure it. It was in vain that an appeal was made to their candour to take the public speeches made by me, both in congress and before you, with my votes, as the surest test of those opinions. Marked as the victim of their political persecution, the rancour of their hostility towards me appeared to be but increased by the prospect of my suc cess. Not only the errors, real or supposed, of the present administration of the general government, but even those of the administration of Mr. Adams deceased, were urged, and grossly misrepresented to you, with the intent of operating against my interest. To all true patriots, it must be matter of great regret that such violent party spirit should prevail. I have watched its progress, not only in this state, but in the United States, for several years past, with no small apprehension of the alarming and fatal consequences to which it most inevitably leads, unless the wise and virtuous part of the community shall discountenance, and thereby check its influence. The various public addresses made by me during the summer afforded me opportunities of turning my attention to most of the charges alluded to, to shew the fallacy of some, and the inapplicability of them all, so far as they were intended to operate on me. It was apparent to my enemies, blinded even as they were by party spirit, that their attempt would prove abortive, unless some other expedient could be resorted to with better hopes of success. that the charge, thus made against me, by gen. Jackson, is itself absolutely false. The petition signed "John Harris" was not alleged by me to be genuine. It had been published in many of the papers of the United States, without my procurement or knowledge. The general yielding too much to that impetuosity of feeling and violence of temper, for which he is said to be so remarkable, is thus giving to the petition and circumstances on which it purports to be founded, much greater impor tance than they would otherwise have. Compared with the main objections against his promotion to the presidency, they are, in my humble judgment, as mole-hills by the side of the Andes. I have not now time, nor would it be a suitable occasion, on which to enter into an exami nation of them. I have frequently called your attention to many of them, and shall probably do so again. Let then the general bear patiently the scrutiny of the public eye. The conduct, the character, political and moral, as well as the qualifications of an individual aspiring to the highest office within the gift of the people of the United States, will, and ought to be subjects of the most rigid investigation. If the peaceful solitude of his "Hermitage" be so disturbed, whenever he hears that they have been topics of remark, let me assure him that it is destined to be again, and again, the scene of confusion and consternation. Public curiosity has been aroused, and public enquiry is on its march. Nor have they been without the beneficial effects. Almost each week has brought to view additional facts, and thrown new lights on those subjects, calculated to open the eyes of the people and to warn them of the dangerous precipice upon which they tread. The general's "hard earned reputation," about which he speaks, with such becoming modesty, if it be founded on real merit, is in no danger of being impaired by examination. But if, when the mist of popular prejudice and partiality shall be dissipated, the sober judgment of an enlightened public shall pronounce that his, was a mushroom popularity, gained "without merit;" let him not flatter himself that they can add, that it was lost without a fault." We have heard much of late about a reign of terror, a sedition law, &c. When attempted to be applied to the present administration, such expressions are but scare-crows, used by artful politicians to alarm the ignorant or are the idle phantasms of disordered minds. Our government has never been more ably administered, or upon more republican principles. We hear of the approach of tyranny and oppression, yet who has seen or felt it? But should the greatest political wonder occur, which has ever astonished any age or country-the election of gen. Jackson to the presidency-what GREENSBURGH, Aug. 9th, 1827. delivered. Mr. Thornton informs me, that you requestSIR: Your note in answer to mine of this date was ed of him to know, whether you might understand it as a call on you for satisfaction, and that he replied you were at liberty so to consider it. Further correspondence, therefore, on that point was unnecessary. may we not then expect, from what we have already seen? He, a citizen of another state, a candidate for the office of our chief executive magistrate, to say nothing about other means employed to insure his success, makes a direct and unfair attempt to influence the election of a member to congress from this district; and that too at a period, when it was believed to be impossible to counteract its effect on the election. Suppose the president of the United States should thus attempt to use his in- to misunderstand me. I hope you do not intend to equivocate by pretending fluence would there not be one general burst of indigna- argument with you on the subject of your unprovoked atI do not intend to enter into an tion against him? Were the general elected, would he tack upon me in a newspaper, at a time when you knew disdain to do that, as president, which he has so unblush- that common prudence would dictate the propriety of ingly done whilst a candidate? One would have sup-forbearance, until the election for congress was over, nor posed that this immaculate patriot, who, with whatever shall I put myself to the trouble of enquiring whether patience and complacency he may listen to propositions you feel hostility against me as a man. of intrigue and corruption "before he would reach the you cannot see any thing in the numbers alluded to You remark that presidential chair by such means, would see the earth which ought to be productive of serious consequences. open and swallow both Mr. Clay his friends and him- Of that you must permit me to form my own opinion: and self" would have been willing to see at least the Hermi- also to determine whether others have addressed me in tage sink, sooner than he would attempt for his own terms equally offensive. If I have not been sufficiently benefit to influence an election in another state. his pretensions are before the public, he has not been re- ford me an interview, and that no legal advantage shall If whilst explicit and you will assure me that you are willing to afstrained from the commission of such an outrage; at what be taken of me, you shall forthwith be called upon in will he scruple, in the indulgence of his passions, when language which even you shall not have a pretence for he shall have secured the object of his most inordinate misapprehending, or doubting about. Any terms agreed ambition? We may hear the voice of servile adulation, upon by Mr. Thornton with you or your friend will be and see its rewards profusely lavished, but the manly binding. Yours, &c. voice of free inquiry into public measures, the unrestrainŘICH. A. BUCKNER. ed expression of public opinion will be stifled, and the merit of an aspirant to office will be tested by his devotion and blind obedience to the orders of the day. With sentiments of respect, I am your obedient servant, and fellow citizen, RICHARD A. BUCKNER. Gen. James Allen. We hereby pledge ourselves that no legal advantage shall be taken of any communication made to us, rela tive to an affair of honor, by Mr. Richard A. Buckner. JAMES ALLEN, JAS. W. BARRÉTT. At which time Mr. Barrett, the friend of general Al A correspondence between the hon. Richard A. Buck-len, made a proposition to Mr. Thornton, the friend of ner and gen. James Allen. GREENSBURGH, Aug. 9th, 1827. cept. Mr. Buckner, that a direct challenge should be sent, or SIR:-On application to the editor of the Argus, he cond communication-by which it might be made a. dithat a postscript might be added to Mr. Buckner's sedeclared you to be the avowed author of the first publi-rect challenge, which he said he was anthorized to accation in that paper, signed "An old fashioned republican." In that, and subsequent numbers, under the same cept was in the last conversation, and wich was not This remark of Mr. Barrett's authority to acsignature, there are assertions made concerning me, communicated to Mr. Buckner until Mr. Barrett and which make it my duty to demand of you an answer, Mr. Thornton had separated. whether you are willing to afford me such satisfaction as viously remarked to Mr. Barrett, (though they differes Mr. Thornton had preis usual among gentlemen. By my friend Mr. Thorn-with respect to the character of Mr. Buckner's first ton, I expect your answer. Yours, &c. Gen. James Allen. RICHARD A. BUCKNER. note), that he had informed gen. Allen when enquired of by him, that he was at liberty to consider that note as a challenge; but observed to Mr. Barrett, that he must wait until he could see Mr. Buckner who was in town, to have GREENSBURGH, Aug. 9th, 1827. SIR-I received your note by Mr. Thornton, in which on, and Mr. Barrett having to go five or six miles home, the challenge dictated as required. Night now coming you demand of me an answer, whether I am willing to and to avoid suspicion, it was mutually agreed by Mr. afford you such satisfaction as is usual among gentlemen." Thornton and himself, that the business, should cease What my offence has been is not stated, and therefere I for the night, and that at 10 o'clock in the morning, am at a loss to tell what the usual satisfaction among at a place agreed upon, the challenge should be ready. gentlemen might be, unless all offences demand the On the next morning before the hour appointed had arsame satisfaction. I have no hostility against you as aaived for handing the challenge above spoken of, Mr. man, but I am conscientiously opposed to your political course, and I cannot see any thing in the numbers, to which you allude, which ought to be productive of any serions consequences. I am never opposed to making honorable satisfaction to any gentleman, for any thing I say or do, but should prefer always to exhaust every friendly means of accommodation, before a resort is made to violent and unlawful means. You know the situation in which I am placed, and therefore it would be well to be careful, lest you might incur the censure of being more pressing in your call upon me, than, perhaps, you might be upon others, who have addressed you in terms equally as offensive. Barrett and Mr. Thornton met together, not at the place appointed, and mutually regretted what was to take place, and both agreeing in a belief that it was their indispensable duty as friends and relations, to do all in their power towards a friendly adjustment. Mr. Barthe friends of gen. Allen that he had used language rett observed to Mr. Thornton, that it was the opinion of harsh and rather insulting in his publication; that in consequence they believed it to be his duty, (so far at least), to make and to offer reparation to Mr. Buckner; and, that whether it was received or not by him as satisfactory, it would place him, (Allen), in an attitude the better conscientiously to brave the consequences. Mr. I am entirely unacquainted with the style and etiquette acknowledgement on the part of Allen would be satisThornton frankly acknowledged that he thought such an of the duellist, and therefore most frankly acknowledge, factory, and without delay went to see Mr. Buckner on that I do not know whether to understand your note to mean a challenge to fight in single combat, as a satisfaced to Mr. Barrett, that Mr. Buckner would receive such the subject. In a short time he returned and remarktion usual among gentlemen or not. When I am instructed in this matter, I will answer you promptly. Yours, &c. JAMES ALLEN.' The hon. R. A. Buckner. which the following note was offered by gen. Allen ani a communication if satisfactory. In consequence of taken by Mr. Buckner as satisfactory. GREENSBURGH, Aug. 10th, 1827. SIR-Before the matter progresses any farther hetween us, I would just remark, that my friends have suggested to me, that my language, in some of the num-couragingly of gen. Jackson's prospects of success, to bers alluded to, is harsh and insulting. This may be the which I very readily assented. Mr. Markley, however, case, and therefore I feel it my duty, as my friends have proceeded further, and with more than ordinary interest pronounced this sentence against me, to acquit my own and earnestness, (as I thought,) insisted that general Jackconscience of any imputation of having done wrong in any son, if elected, ought to appoint Mr. Clay secretary of respect, and to do justice to you; I state, that any charge state, and urged to me the necessity of having the thing which I may have made against you, in any of the num- so understood; and said that he wished to see Mr. Eaton bers alluded to, calculated in the least to impugn your about it. In answer to that, I spoke of my own high rehonor or veracity, if any such there be, I disavow; and gard for Mr. Clay, but told him as for general Jackson I declare that it was not my intention to offer any personal could say nothing. I did not know what his intentions were insult. Where in the first number the words "false- upon the contingency mentioned, and consequently had hood and slander" are used, they were in allusion to no authority to communicate any thing. My object was the quotation from Benton's book, and not against you as to let the matter presented by this part of the conversathe author of the falsehood. This was my meaning. tion rest just were I found it; and that the proposition On a re-examination of the numbers I find this construc-made should neither become of more or less weight from tion is not as apparent as I thought it was, and as I intend- any thing I might say, for I knew nothing that would enaed. I therefore feel it my duty to say, it was not my inten- ble me to incline it either way; and I sought to be so undertion to charge you with any intentional misstatement, or stood. Here the conversation ended. The words used with being the author of it. It was barely to shew, that in it I have not attempted to give, but their import was the part of Benton's book which was read by you, (and what I have stated. for the truth of which you said you did not vouch), was After the adjournment of the house on the same day, I false. I knew you were not the author of it, and there- met with Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania, on the way to fore, could not be charged with its falsehood; but being our lodgings, about where we passed the enclosure that used in your speech, I was not, I acknowledge, sufficient- surrounds the capitol; we walked together about half a ly explicit in applying the charge, so as to avoid a con- mile, taking the pavement on the left side of Pa. avenue. struction that it might apply to you. As an honest and The points on which our conversation turned, I will relate honorable man, I feel it my duty to make this statement as I now recollect them. Upon our falling in together, before the controversy arrives at a point which cannot be Mr. Buchanan let me know that Mr. Markley had been changed. Over and above this, I feel it my duty, in obe-talking with him, and had pressed him for information on dience to the benign spirit of that religion which I profess, whenever I am convinced that I have done an injury to my neighbor's moral character, or property, to restore to him full satisfaction. If there be any other words harsh and offensive in the numbers, my apology in relation to those words are the same as above stated; and partly, perhaps, to an indulgence too much cherished by the people generally, in the use of public men as public property. I have thus frankly done what I believed to be right, by disavowing all intentions of insult, or injury to your moral character or even to hurt your feelings as a man, a fellow citizen, and a neighbor; and therefore must enentertain the belief that you think I acted from honorable motives and not with an intention wantonly to wound your feelings. JAMES ALLEN. The above correspondence having taken place between Mr. Buckner and gen. Allen, and some degree of publicity having been given to the fact, that a correspondence had occurred, we request that you will publish it, with the above statement of facts. ANTHONY THORNTON, August 27th, 1827. MR. ISACK'S-LETTER. Sparta, (Ten.) 5th September, 1827. SIR: I find in your paper of the 1st inst. a comment upon the 'matters lately made public by the communications of gen. Jackson and Mr. Buchanan; and in behalf of my constituents an inquiry therein made of me, for whatever I may know on that subject. As well on account of the relation existing between the people of this district and myself-the frequent mention which I have made during the last two years of the material facts disclosed by those communications, as the allusion made to me in that affair by other prints, I cannot object to the propriety of the inquiry. The names of the persons concerned being already before the public, there remains no considerations of delicacy sufficient to forbid the answer which I have to make to your call. In the winter of 1824-5 after it was known that Mr. Clay had not received a sufficient number of electoral votes to bring him before the house of representatives as a candidate for president; and before I had heard of any indications being given by him, and his friends, of the course which they ultimately took in the election, I met with Mr. Markley of Pennsylvania, in the lobby of the house of representatives, in the morning a little before the meeting of the house; we were setting on a sofa on the right wing from the door; Mr. Markley introduced the subject of the approaching presidential election, and spoke en the subject of cabinet appointments, in the event of gen. Jackson's election. I soon discovered from Mr. Buchanan's conversation, that the proposition to him had been varied from that made to me in the morning, at least presented in another view. The information which seemed to be sought through Mr. Buchanan, was an assurance to be relied on, that Mr. Adams would not be continued in the state department. We talked about these propositions, and their propable bearings on the election. I expressed the fullest conviction that gen. Jackson would give no assurance as to who would or who would not, be appointed, and that his friends could not say any thing on the subject. Mr. Buchanan suggested that he thought the subject ought to be well considered-That an answer would be expected. These I understood to be his apprehensions It nothing was communicated on which Mr. Clay and his friends could rely: That Mr. Adams would have a manifest advantage over general Jackson in the contest; because it had already been rumored, that if elected, gen. Jackson would continue Mr. Adams in his (then) present office, and this would be turned to the account of the latter; on the other hand the election of Mr. Adams would necessarily leave the department of state vacant. And he insisted that the effect of these circumstances ought to be counteracted. That gen. Jackson ought to be informed of these matters, and mentioned Mr. Eaton or myself as most suitable to make the communication to him. I perceived and admitted the effect which these circumstances might have on the event, (if such means were to be used and regarded.) I spoke of the supposition respecting Mr. Adams being continued in the state department as wholly unauthorized by gen. Jackson or his friends, so far as I knew. That as to myself, I was so well apprised of the general's determination to remain silent upon all subjects calculated to give direction to the progress of the election till it was over, that I could not, with propriety lay, the subject before him, but said that if he, (Mr. B.) thought it indispensable, to go himself and talk with Jackson, the same delicacy which would prevent me, would not apply to him. I don't know whether Mr. Buchanan had concluded to go, or not, when our conversation was broken off by our being joined by Mr. Clay, who had overtaken us. We walked together but a short distance alter this, till I took leave and crossed the avenue in the dis rection toward my boarding house, (Mr. Fletcher's,) having went beyond the cross street leading most directly there from the capitol. My opinion of the character of the answer which ge neral Jackson would give to such a communication if made to him, was formed from an acquaintance with the man and his conduct during the canvass. And I felt willing, or rather yielded, that Mr. Buchanan, who was then, and has ever since been, his friend and efficient supporter, should satisfy himself of the general's |