MR. EATON TO THE PUBLIC. From the Nashville Republican, Sept. 18. What I shall submit to the consideration of the public, demands of me no apo'ogy. Should any think otherwise, I tender to them Mr. Clay's dinner speech, delivered at Lexington in July last, with the references that have been made to me, both by General Jackson and Mr. Buchanan. Thus situated, it is neither needful nor proper to remain silent: I shall therefore speak the things that I know, from a conviction, that the references which have been made, render it proper for me to do so. First, to an adjustment on my own account with Mr. Clay; who, in his speech delivered at Lexington, uses towards me this language. "Before the election, an attempt was made, by an abusive letter, published in the Columbian Observer, at Philadelphia, a paper which, as has since transpired, was sustained by Mr. Senator Eaton, the colleague, the friend and the biographer of General Jackson, to assail my motives, and to deter me in the exercise of my duty." The language employed in this sentence, is arranged with so great art and caution, as to make it susceptible of doubtful intention. The meaning which the speaker intended should attach, and which, with nine readers out of ten, will obtain, is, that the Columbian Observer was sustained by Mr. Senator Eaton the colleague, the friend and the biographer of General Jackson, to assail his (Mr. Clay's) motives, and to deter him in the exercise of his duty. With this construction, I take leave to say, it is mistepresentation-it is untrue. This paper was assisted, though not sustained by me for any purpose; and far less with a view to assail molives, or to deter any one in the exercise of his duty. The return made of me by the editors of the CoTumbian Observer, as one of their creditors, has been a fruitful theme of exulting remark to Mr. Clay's editors and friends. I little expected to see him at so small a business; and still less that he would have hazarded an assertion before the public, when he was wanting in proof to support that assertion. A sin gle paper, to be sure, at Philadelphia, the Democrutic Press had asserted it: But Mr. Clay should have recollected, that as he was decrying the force of newspaper testimony, as authority applicable to his own case, delicacy, and a regard for consistency should have restrained his willingness to insist on it, as a rule conclusive towards others. Like himself, though, I can now express ny satisfaction at having the matter presented in some tangible form, and by "a responsible accuser;" and, that he may be spared all further disquietude on the subject, he shall be afforded the history of the transaction, precise and accurate as it took place, with leave to make of it hereafter what ever use he can. To the editors of that paper, and at their request, I did lend a sum of money; at that time, before, nor af after, was there an agreement, or understanding, expressed or otherwise, as to any political course which they should pursue. More than a year pieceding this circumstance, and before I ever knew Messrs. Simpson & Courad the editors, had that paper been warmly and zealously in the cause of General Jackson.It was my own money, not the publick's; and I have yet to learn, wherein there is either culpability or criminality lending money to the respectable editor of a newspaper, greater than to any other individual in society, unless as a stipend to induce to a course not sanctioned by his preference or judgement. The character of those editors is suthcient to turn aside the imputation of opinions thus controlled--while a recollection that for eighteen months or more they had labored in support of Andrew Jackson, altogether forbids it. But, again: In adverting to this transaction-to my mind a very innocent and unoffending one--why was it necessary for Mr. Clay to throw around me, for description sake, so many far fetched and high sound ing expletives? Mr. Eaton, of the Senate-(there being in that body none other bearing a name, or even a similar name,) would as it appears to me, be altogether sufficient, if description of person was alone the end and object designed to be attained; but this was not the object, and hence the lofty addenda, "the colleague the friend and the biographer of General Jackson." What, then, was it? An attempt at deception-a matter of special pleading, by which it was expected, a conclusion in the public mind would be arrived at, that General Jackson was the shelterer of this paper, intended and sustained for the avowed purpose to assail Mr. Clay's motives, and to deter him in the exercise of his duty. To this obviously designed intendment, I apply a positive denial of its truth. General Jackson was in Tennessee, and knew no nore of the loan made to those gentlemen, than Mr. Clay did; nor did he know of it, until during last winter, when--on the supposition, I suppose, that it might be used as a good set off to the changes and breakings of the Secretary, in his BY AUTHORITY corps-it became matter of remark and censure in those columns which were friendly to Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams. Before this period, I had not spoken of it; nor until this time, detailed the particulars. I do so now, lest, under the authority of the name which brings forward the accusation, suspicions may arise, and a character and consequence be given to the transaction, greater than it merits. In presenting myself before the public on a subject which so lately has produced some excitement, and much inquiry and remark, I have felt it proper to speak thus far of mat. ters which essentially pertain to myself; and with that portion of the subject I am now done. In connection with this speech, are also other matters which have been presented to the consideration of the country; and about which I have been referred to, both by General Jackson and Mr. Buchanan. With references thus made, to remain silent and reserved, amidst the general interest which prevails, by many might be considered improper. I shall present therefore, my understanding of things as they were at the time, and as they are still retained upon my recollec tion. Between the statement of General Jackson and that submitted by Mr. Buchanan, I can perceive some differences; but they are principally verbal, and not material. Those which do obtain, appear to me rather facts themselves: substantially, there is accord. Mr. Buchanan alleges, that, on approaching General Jackson, he did not come from Mr. Clay. It is not asserted that he did; General Jackson states, his opinion at the time was, that Mr. Buchanan had come from Mr. Clay or some of his friends; but this is given merely as matter of impression-nothing more. By the showing of Mr. Isaacks and Mr. Buchanan, it now appears, that Mr. Markley was the negotiator. A difference as to the date-the period of time at which the conversation took place, may exist; for Mr. Buchanan places it on the 30th of December. It may be, however, that he intends this as the period of his conversation with Mr. Markley; if it be in reference to his interview with General Jackson, then, agreeably to my recollection, it is a mistake. I cannot precisely, and to a day, declare the time when Mr. B. came to see and converse with me; but I do recollect it to have been during that week, on the Saturday of which the reported meeting of Mr. Clay and his friends took place, and when the determination was taken to support Mr. Adams. I feel quite satisfied, that the' meeting to which I allude,, was on Saturday the 22d of January. Early in that week, (Tuesday or Wednesday evening,) Mr. Buchanan visited me. It was on the pavement, and in frout of my own residence, where we conversed together. A statement of our conversation, concisely drawn, was given to General Green, editor of the United States Telegraph, at his request, in August 1826-more than a year ago-it is as follows: "In January, 182 5, a few days before it had been Enown that Mr. Clay and his friends had declared in favor of Mr. Adams, I was called upon by Mr. Buchasan of Pennsylvania. He said, it was pretty well unJerstood, that overtures were making by the friends of Adams, on the subject of cabinet appointments: That Jackson should fight them with their own weap ons. He said, the opinion was, that Jackson would retain Adams, and that it was doing him injury.That the General should state whom he would make Secretary of State, and desired that I would name it to him. My reply was, that I was satisfied General Jackson would say nothing on the subject. Mr. Buchanan then remarked: "Well, if he will merely say,he will not retain Mr. Adams, that will answer." I replied, I was satisfied, General Jackson would neither say, who should, or who should not be Secretary of State-but that he, (Mr. B.) knew him well, and might talk with him as well as I could.-Mr. Buchanan then said, that on the next day, before the General went to the House, he would call. He did so, as I afterwards understood." In this application and interview, I felt that Mr. Buchanan was acting on the ground of anxious solicitude for the success of General Jackson, and from a desire that nothing of stratagem and management should interpose to prevent the election of one, for whom he felt more than common interest. I considered, in his zeal, he felt it to be right to defend the citadel against unlooked for assaults, and believed, consequently, that the enemy should be met with their own weapons. He may have intended to present this as the idea and opinion of others, not his own. Such, indeed, may have been the case, though I cannot say I so understood him at the time. I take occasion to repeat, that the conversation, as here given, at the request of the editor of the United States Telegraph, was afforded him in August, 1826 while he was on a visit to Tennessee. I mention this fact, because, the statement being in his possession.he will be enabled to say, if the one he has. and that which is here submitted, be not the same. By this cireamstance, thus fortunately existing, I may find satety from some of those charges which a kindly editor has already taken occasion to surmise and insinuate -The ungenerous and illiberal effort is made to excite prejudice; to forestal the public, and to awaken suspi cions, through the allegation, that an attempt would be made to discredit Mr. Buchanan, by arraying Major Eaton and others against him," before the pub hc. On so idle an errand, and so hopeless an effort 1, should exceedingly regret the necessity of being oblig ed to proceed; and yet, were it necessary to maintain myself on any of the demands of truth,I should certain ly venture, regardless of the sayings and prophecies of any one. Between Mr. Buchanan's statement, my own, and that of Gen. Jackson.heretofore published, I can, as already remarked, discern no essential or material difference. True, before I had read and particuly examined, what had been stated, I believed differences were to be found, though that opinion no longer remains. If there be those who desire to urge that any such do exist and that the submitted averments are in fact unlike, I shall be free and cheerful to concede, that the mistakes are those which proceed from error of recollection, and from no other cause. I have known Mr. Buchanan too long, to place any statement of his which might be discrepant with iny own, under the head of intentional error, or ascribe it to any other circumstance than inaccuracy of recollection. I might here rest my remarks, and forbear to say more on the subject, but being in possession of some fts, which may not be considered immateriai-the tendency of which may be, to exhibit inatters more fully to public consideration, I shall not conclude this presentation, without summitting them also. I have already said, that a meeting was held on the 22d of January; previous to which time, the opinions of Mr. Clay and his friends were but little known-conjecture alone pointed out what probably their course would be. On the succeeding Monday, the opinion prevailed, that they had taken their ground; and in a few days afterwards Mr, Clay's military chieftain letter, as it has been styled, was written to Judge Brooke, of Virginia, of whom he speaks as a particular friend. In that letter, he mentions his difficult, "highly critical" situation-the interrogation to hus conscience, and the course he had resolved to pursue. Thus, to a particular friend, on the 28th of January, and not earlier, was a declaration made of the course he had concluded to take. Why the necessity of a silence so long, and so rigidly preserved? This Saturday evening meeting, and the course which had been resolved upon, formed generally on Monday the subject of conversation. The Senate having adjourned, General Jackson and myself were passing from the capitol, being yet within the enclosure, and near to a flight of steps leading to the avenue, when Mr. Clay, coming diagonally on our route, from the House of Representatives, passed very near, and without speaking. He was proceeding down the flight of steps in front of the building,and we were in the act of descending, when some person coming up, accosted us. At that moment, Mr. Clay, turning round, observed, “how are you to day, General? with a manner somewhat embarrassed. as though he had just then discovered him. The salutation was returned, and Mr. Clay passed on. Immediately afterwards, General Jackson remarked to me, that Mr. C. seemed disposed to pass him without spe king-my answer was. "as he has concluded to vote against you, General, I suppose he is solicitous for no further intercourse:" we dropped the subject. I had never before perceived Mr. Clay thus distant with General Jackson, having been previously quite the reverse; and well knowing, froin our near proximity at passing, that it was altogether improbable he should not have observed us. I looked to this coyness on his part, as a circumstance corroborative of what had been the reports of the day-a determination taken to support Mr. Adams. Previous to the annunciation of this meeting on Saturday, I had not distrusted the result of the election. As regarded the course Kentucky would take even conceding the force of Mr. Clay's influence,f felt there was security in these considerations. That, so far from there being any thing of good, there had been an unfriendly understanding very lately subsisting between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay: That Mr. Adams was not the choice of Kentucky-had not been thought of nor voted for there; and of all the persons presented to the public, would probably have received the most inconsiderable suffrage in that state. That Mr. Crittenden, who stood at the head of the electoral list for Mr. Clay, and whose opinions of the preference and choice of Kentucky, I hence inferred, might have weight, had written to a friend of mme at Washington, that Kentucky preferred Jackson, and wished him to succeed against Adams. But, beside all this, the Legislature of the state had sent forth their instructions, (or request) on this subject, declaring what was to be considered the sense of the people; and I, well remembering the warm and ancient contest between Mr. Clay and Mr. Pope, on the subject of a disregard of instructions,had not supposed that the former would venture to place at nought his previous open avowals on this important political point. These were the grounds of my opinions, and of my conclusions, and they were removed, only when I understood that this meeting bad been held,and the vote of Kentucky determined upon. There were other considerations of inference and of argument. The state of N. York was thought to be dependent for the course she would pursue,on the vote of a single individual. Thus situated it could not be known to absolute certainty, though conjecturally it was, what finally her course would be. Maryland it was believed, would at least on the first ballot, be on the side of Mr. Adams. These two, with the six New England states, were all, which with any thing of certainty could be counted on. Five were yet want ed. Louisianaa and Illinois it was believed would be in favor of the same course; though as it was in opposition to the preference,indicated by the electoral colleges at home, it was asserted, that the members from those states, would not march in that direction,except in the event, that thereby the election of Mr. Adams would be rendered secure and certain. Report having urged strongly, that, on the second ballot, Maryland would secede and vote for General Jackson, it was therefore indispensibly important to bring matters to a close. The whole affair then rested with Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri. Under this state of things was it, and after that it had been ascertained,that Jackson, would make no disclosure, as to his cabinet, that the meeting of the 22nd of January took place. Those who attended it, being participants in what was done,have nover yet declared the particulars. I have though in my possession a communication from a gentleman, formerly of Congress, (not from this state) and heretofore the friend of Mr. Clay. He gives the reason why he is no longer that friend. To a letter which was lately written to him by me, this is his reply. "The bargain of 1825, between Messrs. Adams and Clay I remember well was freely spoken of by many members of Congress, although I had no personal knowledge of any fact, which would warrant the belief, that the contract existed: besides the high estimation in which I then held Mr. Clay,forbade my suspicions on any accusations not supported by positive proof; that proof was not afforded me, and I held him guiltless-Yet there were some circumstances of unfavorable appearance, and which as the friend of Mr. Clay I was sorry had existence. The circumstances to which I allude were the continued silence and lengthy reserve of Mr. Clay's friends,in publishing or letting it be known, how they would vote; and the fact that the Kentucky delegation who voted for Mr. A. had a meeting to determine upon their course, as I was informed by one of them: at which it was said to me, that upon the question being proposed to Mr. Clay for whom shall we vote, he answered in substance, "that in case General Jackson should be cleeted he believed the administration with its weight would be opposed to him, to prostrate him: that should Mr. A. be elected he felt satisfied it would not be so; but that he hoped no personal considerations for him would induce them to act contrary to their desire." Upon these circumstances I have often remarked, that the first was not in character of Kentuckians, and that the last was the strongest appeal which could be made to a man's friends, and the heaviest requisi tions which could be levied on their attachment. Until a very short time since I had not been convinced that the bargain had been made as executed, and I even now regret that I am constrained to admit it; but believing it, I shall leave nothing undone which can be honourably performed to defeat the Coalition." Anthony's oration over the dead body of Cæsar has been greatly admired for manner, artfulness, and concealment of intended purpose; but this of Mr. Clay is quite a match for it: so pointed; and yet so modest; so retiring and so evidently concealing its real intentions. Gentlemen you are my friends, and as such we have met. Let me not ask you to neglect your duty, or sacrifice yourselves for me: I ask nothing at your hands;--but of one thing you may rest assured-if Jackson is elected I shall be prostrated; but if Mr. Adams shall be chosen, "he felt satisfied it would not be so." In the one case, there was danger to his prospects, in the other there would be none; nor was this given as an opinion formed, or belief entertained-it is of stronger import-he was satisfied there would be none. The speech had its effect, the long agony was over, and the determination taken to move together. Thus was the whole machinery ready to operate, provided defection could be kept from its parts. And until this were effected, Mr. Clay's course was but matter of conjecture. If judgement and sound deliLeration, prompted him to adopt the preference he did, certainly it does not follow, that duty demanded of him this grave and formal exercise of his influence, whereby to have controlled the opinions and votes of others. Resting on this ground of decision merely, apart from any other, and future consideration, such active zeal was forbidden by the situation in which he himself had very lately stood, and more especially from the personal relation which he, and Mr. Adanis had recently occupied towards each other. The course adopted by Mr. Clay, in reference to this election, and the circumstances attending it at the time, were then as now the subject of free and censurablo remark. The final consummation though,did not for a time take place. Many, incredulous to mere assertion, and anxious to maintain their former favorable opinions, were willing and disposed, to defer all credence until after the Inauguration, and when it should with certainty be ascertained, whether Mr. Clay would be appointed to the first situation in the Cabinet. The nomination came! It was submitted to the Senate.-a vote taken, and contrary to what before, I believe, had ever happened, in reference to a Cabinet Appointment, a large number of that body (one third) were found in opposition to it. Besides those there were others, unfriendly to the confirmation, but who yielded their assent on the ground, that the President was amenable to the country, for a correct administration of its affairs; and that the immemorial usage of the Senate, had conceded him the right to select his Cabinet agreeebly to his own wishes. It was said, if the Senate shall refuse their assent, and future mishaps arise, a strong defence to the Executive would be afforded and the President be enabled to say -the Senate opposed me, and denied a right heretofore never withheld,-the right of obtaining that assistance in which I had confidence and which, it was my desire and object to procure. That the nomination though, was silently voted on, and nothing said respecting it, is not correct. A Senator in his place,addressed the chair-opposed a confirmation and presented the raisons, of his objections, which were entirely in reference to Mr. Clay's course aud conduct on the Presidential election. I shall not use his name nor attempt to quote his remarks, although the injunetion of secrecy has been long since removed, I well remember tho', that the name of this Senator, and what he had done, and what said, were spoken of at the time publicly; and I well remember too, that no reply to him, was made or attempted, or committee of enquiry asked for. After he had taken his seat, the nomination was voted on, and carried, and the appointment confirmed. I know not what friend or member, afforded Mr. Clay the information that his nomination was not objected to in the Senate; But I do know, that he inade an incorrect report. If after a perusal of what is here written, there shall be any, disposed to maintain, that a statement, simply, of Mr. Buchanan's conversation, is all that was necessary, or proper to be presented; and that I should have gone no farther, this is my answer. It is a public matter, and one about which the country has manifested deep solicitude; it was right thence to speak what I knew. But besides this, Mr. Clay without regard to others' feelings, or concern for the injustice he might be doing, has undertaken to hold me before the public, by representing, that I had sustained a paper for the avowed object of assailing his motives, and detering him in the exercise of his duty, for thus it seems to be read: a noble vocation indeed! Why do this? I had not interfered to interrupt Mr. Clay's repose; had written no letter to Mr. Carter Beverly; and far as he then had knowledge,had spoken nothing of, or concerning Irina. No reasonable man then, can look to me as a volunteer in this business.or as having gone further, than even, justice to inyself demanded. JOHN H. EATON. Franklin, Ten. Sept. 12, 1827. PRINTED FOR THE EDITORS, AT THE FRANKLIN PREJS THIRD SERIES. No. 7-VOL. IX.] BALTIMORE, OCTOBER 13, 1927. [VOL. XXXIII. WHOLE No. 839 THE PAST-THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES & SON AT 35 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. Mechanical necessity has led to a proceeding that we would have avoided-a publication of the Address on behalf of the General Convention at Harrisburg, befare issuing the pamphlet ordered to be printed; but the occupation of our type in matter to fill four sheets and an half like the Register, and the inability to procure additional workmen in our emergency, left no alternative, un less to delay the pamphlet a week longer than by this arrangement it will be. The affair is unimportant to the public; but we feel it right to offer this explanation to the members of the late convention. its small end, being shewn how it was done. But others will give full credit to the industry with which every euquiry has been pursued which presented itself as useful to demonstrate the wisdom, as well as the necessity, of the policy which we recommend and support. In justice to this address and its appendix the whole should have been laid aside for two or three months, and then to be carefully examined, item by item, and each again compared with all the rest. The importance of the subjects spoken of would seem to demand this-for the leading object has been to furnish a general text book for The Appendix" makes nearly fifty pages of facts, and the use of all parties, friends or opponents. How nearly figures opinions and arguments, divided into chapters this object has been obtained, the public will determine; as follows: 1,general population table as taken at the sev- and if some few errors should appear (as they probably eral censusses; 2, tabular views of the foreign commerce of must, because of the countless references made), though United States from 1791 to 1826; 3, progress of popula-much care has been exerted to prevent them, we hope sion; 4, details of the imports and exports of the United they will be tolerated, under an assurance that no deStates to and from all nations for 1826; 5, the same to sire has been entertained to distort, or even embellisha and from Great Britain, with comparative views; 6, reve- the truth-if for no other reason, than that it would be nue of the United States, as derived from the customs, injurious to the great cause of domestic industry. We earand contrasted statements of goods imported; 7, general nestly, but respectfully, invite the careful reading and libeessay on production and consumption, interspersed with ral criticism of all persons, and especially hope that our facts, propositions, and arguments, with frequent referen- southern brethren will examine what we have stated. ces to authorities, and a large collection of curious colla- If so, we flatter ourselves that many will believe with us, teral items, foreign and domestic; 8, on scientific power that there is a full and perfect community of interest beand manual labor and effects of protection, with compari-tween the extreme south and west and the distant east, the sons of production and subsistence, and statements of the sea-washed coast and the vast region that is drained by cost of articles in Europe and the United States, and of the "Father of Waters." the progress of navigation; 9, the internal trade, or com. For this exertion which has materially injured the merce between the several states-this chapter makes, private business of the writer and not a little exhausted his of itself, 12 or 13 pages, and is a laborious collection of strength, he neither has, nor expects to receive, one cent things, shewing the rapidly increasing importance of this as a pecuniary compensation, nor has he personally oue incalculably valuable business of the nation, intermixed dollar at stake in the success of any other establishment with arguments and explanatory remarks; 10, a general than his own little affair in the REGISTER. In addition, view of the operation and effect of the auction system, ex- he has subjected himself to a personal persecution-the hibiting its reduction of the public revenue and injury to ferveney and indiscrimination of new party politics having our merchants and others; 11, exposition and examination been strangely brought to bear upon old questions of of the British prohibitory and restrictive laws, with tabu-principle-and rude and injurious denunciations are sular statements, official facts, comparative views, and uu-peradded to the former prejudices or honest mistakes, merous references to authority; 12, some particular no- with which this work had to contend. It is hard to comtices of the operation of protection on the prosperity of bat and resist all these, often involving differences with the United States, especially in its happy effects upon old friends impressed with new and special notions commerce and navigation, the growing of grain and wool, suited to a changed state of the times-but how much and the planting of cotton and sugar-the generally in harder is it to bear with the cold indifference and withercreased value of property, and greatly enlarged consump-ing apatby of those more immediately interested in the tion of American cotton, with statements concerning the prevalence of our opinions-the growers of grain and cost of articles before and since the tariff of 1824; 13, nu-wool, and the manufacturers generally! But the writer merous items relative to sheep and wool and woollens; 14, has held these opinions for thirty years and more-while the same as to cotton and its manufactures; 15, the same yet an apprentice lad, he supported them in several juvenin respect to iron; 16, the same concerning hides and ile essays published in the Philadelphia newspapers, and skins and roanufactures of leather; 17, the same as to the he cannot give them up to temporary purposes-TO PERproduct of tobacco and sugar; 18, the same of lead and its SECUTION NEVER. But, when he recollects that for mamanufactures; 19,an essay on the linen manufacture; 20,ny years, this work stood alone as the steady and zealous a collection of opinions and proceedings on the propriety, advocate of what has been since called the "American necessity and constitutionality of protecting the domestic system," and that now more than one hundred and fifty industry, as engaged in agriculture, manufactures and newspapers in the north, east or west, give a general supcommerce; and an extensive miscellaneous department, port to it-that even in the states south of the Potomac, or general gathering of desultory items and facts, relating where only one voice was heard a little while ago,* we to other subjects, or tending to support the various mat- have as much talent and nearly as many of the respectable ters urged upon the consideration of the reader. journals on our side, as those opposed to us-there is enFrom this summary notice some idea may be entertain-couragement to hope for better dispositions and better of the amount of patience bestowed on this work, and par- times. He really believes that no classes of persons are ticularly when it is recollected that nearly all the matter more benefitted by the protection of domestic industry, as was collected specially for it; there being no official state-contended for in this work, than the cotton and sugar ments as to the chief things of interest desired to be shewn planters. He feels confident that our own factories of for the public instruction. The writer and compiler is the former cause the consumption of 100,000 or 150,000+ somewhat familiar with statistical subjects, and as prompt and industrious, perhaps, as any other person in the pursuit of facts yet the whole may be said to have cost him an average of eight or nine hours daily employment at the desk for the space oftwo months—and yet many particulars which cost him hours of zealous search or anxious reflection, will be esteemed like the exploit of Columbus with his ega, which any body might cause to stand firmly upon Vos. IX- -No. 7. *In that excellent gazette, the "Winchester Republican". The ability and firmness with which its highly respectable editor has supported our principles, deserves far more than this small tribute to his merit. +Not more by our own manufacture, than because that the British are compelled to use more of our cotton to enter into competition with us in the markets of Mexico and About ELECTIONS AND ELECTIONEERING. The result of the Maryland elections of members of the house of delegates stands thusJackson. Administration. 2 1 bales MORE of our cotton, than would otherwise have a as a mark for any one to shoot at, that pleases-not only market, except at prices closely approximated to the with profitable and manly argument, but with satire, recheap product of the East Indies; and is certain that the proof and scurrility, and foul and filthy impeachments of reduction of public revenue caused by the cultivation of motives. Errors, if any there are, will be magnified, and sugar in Louisiana would not, could not, be borne, if the the most trifling inadvertencies be raised up into mounpeople of the states consuming perhaps, three-fourths of tains, because of the public excitement on the great subit, had not established manufactures to make a market at jects considered. Hence the extraordinary care and inhome, in lieu of the foreign one which has been denied tense application that have been exerted, as to the expothem, by the prohibitions and restrictions of Europe. sitions and arguments brought forward into the appendix, He has oftentimes said, and says so still, with renewed compared with several chapters of which, the address assurance of the truth of what he says-that his southern itself is like the work of an evening, for labor expended. fellow citizens will yet be the most decided and resolute We have, perhaps, already said too much-yet there friends of a protecting tariff. On the day of the date of are several other things which we have a strong desire the address, (October 10), he was fifty years old. If it to mention. We shall refrain. A candid perusal is askshall please the AUTHOR OF ALL THINGS to permit himed, and we say to our opponents-"strike, but hear.” to attain the age of three score years, he will not then be called "the great enemy of the south," or abused as one that desires to "plunder" any of his fellow men. The following comes very opportunely to support what is said of changes of opinion in the south. $50 of the people of Opelousas, Louisiana, lately assem- Annapolis etiy, bled for the purpose of expressing their opinions on the Baltimore city, politics of the day. William Garrard a distinguished ci- Baltimore county, tizen and a soldier of the revolution, was called to the Harford, chair, and a committee of twenty four gentlemen appoint- Anne Arundel, ed to draft an address to the people-the concluding pa- Montgomery, ragraph of which is annexed; but we disclaim all partici- Frederick, pation in the purely political part of it: Washington, "The people of this state will maturely reflect on these Alleghany, things. They will ask themselves whether it is politic Charles, or prudent to abandon an administration which ensures St. Mary's, us the assistance of the general government, in connect- Calvert, ing our numerous water-courses by means of canals, thus reclaiming our inundated grounds, and adding, beyond the compass of calculation, to the prosperity, health, and happiness of the whole community! Whether it is wise or just, to withdraw their support from faithful and long tried public servants, who foster and protect a system which creates a home demand for two hundred thousand bales of our cotton, and which directly gives to the sugar planters, annually, a protection equal to nearly one million and a half of dollars? Whether we will, in fact, repulse the hand that sustains us? And all this to gratify a romantic feeling of gratitude, elicited by mere military success, for the purpose of raising to power a set of men, whose fundamental prineiples are, "let every thing alone;" let the states dig their own canals, for the constitution forbids the interference of the general government. Let commerce alone, buy where you can buy the cheapest. Let the West India planter bring his sugar into the country free of duty, by which the consumer will be supplied at four cents a pound, or less; and let the sugar planter of Louisiana, who, relying on the implied faith of the nation-has incurred heavy responsibilities-unable to contend agamst the price of the West India labor and the superiority of that climate, sink into bankruptcy and ruin." We shall leave the subject for this time. We do not fear the accusations heaped upon us, and many are of a character that we cannot descend to notice. The new parties to this war against the protecting system, whatever may be their "combinations" concerning it, will not succeed-and the principles supported in the first act passed under the present constitution in 1789, for raising a revenue, and "encouraging domestic manufactures," will be established-for "truth is mighty and will prevail." The pamphlet will be finished next week, and forwarded as ordered, to the full amount of the funds provided for paper and print. The writer has exerted himself to fulfil the expectations of his friends, but seriously fears that many will be disappointed. He has no pretensions to taste in composition, and moderate claims indeed, even to grammatical accuracy-and a degree of respon sibility has been thrown upon him such as he never before encountered. It has never entered into his mind, that success will depend on his production; but he believes that a want of discretion therein might materially injure the cause. And further-he is about to be placed South-America, or lose the whole trade in coarse cotton goods. And still they use as much of the cheap cotton of India, as they suppose this competition can possibly bear. Prince Georges, 3 49 31 It is impossible to present a statistical view of the votes given in the several counties, as shewing the strength of the different parties, because of the numerous candidates in some of them, over the number that might be elected; and in certain others, the question was not fairly tested for different reasons. The following are given as the correct returns of Delaware, for a member of congress in place of Mr. McLane, appointed a senator of the U. S. Administration-JOHNS Jackson-BAYARD. New Castle county maj. Kent Sussex 409 355 764 369 $95 369 Majority for Mr. Johns It will be recollected that there was a tie last October in that part of the city of Philadelphia which forms a congressional district, between Mr. Sergeant and Mr. Horn. A new election was held last Tuesday, Mr. Sergeant being opposed by Mr. Hemphill, the Jackson candidate.' The result was, for Mr. Sergeant 2702, for Mr. Hemphill 25-46-majority for Mr. Sergeant 156. The opposing candidates were certainly two of the strongest and ablest men that could have been put up by the different parties both of honorable standing, and highly esteemed. "REGULATION OF THE PRESS. "The following are extracts from late London papers on the despotic and cowardly act of the French government in re-establishing the censorship of the press→→ The London Morning Chronicle, says: "There can be but one opinion with respect to the impolicy of the step taken by the French government. It amounts to a confession that its measures cannot hear the light, and by extinguishing opposition, it deprives itself of |