he was not less jealous of the honour and greatness of his people. A just recognition of the personal merits of the king himself, enables us to judge more freely of the constitutional tendency and results of his policy.

l'o revert to a polity under which kings had governed, and ministers had executed their orders, was in itself a dangerous retrogression in the principles of constitutional government. If the crown, and not its ministers, had governed, how could the former do no wrong, and the latter be responsible? If ministers were content to accept responsibility without power, the crown could not escape its share of blame. Hence the chief safeguard of the monarchy was endangered. But the liberties of the people were exposed to greater peril than the crown. Power proceeding from the king, and exercised by himself in person, is irreconcilable with popular government. It constitutes the main distinction between an absolute and a constitutional monarchy. The best and most enlightened of kings, governing from above, will press his own policy upon his subjects. Chocsing his ministers from considerations personal to himself,-directing their acts,-upholding them as his own servants,―resenting attacks upon them as disrespectful to himself,-committed to their measures, and resolved to enforce them,— viewing men and things from the elevation of a court, instead of sharing the interests and sympathies of the people,-how can he act in harmony with popular influences?

The system of government which George III. found in operation was indeed imperfect. The in

fluence of the crown, as exercised by ministers, prevailed over the more popular elements of the constitution. The great nobles were too powerful. A Parliament, without adequate representation of the people, and uncontrolled by public opinion, was generally subservient to ministers: but with all its defects, it was still a popular institution. If not freely elected by the people, it was yet composed of men belonging to various classes of society, and sharing their interests and feelings. The statesmen, who were able by their talents and influence to command its confidence, became the ministers of the crown; and power thus proceeded from below, instead of from above. The country was governed by its ablest men, and not by favourites of the court. The proper authority of Parliament was recognised; and nothing was wanting in the theory of constitutional government, but an improved constitution of Parliament itself. This system, however, the king was determined to subvert. He was jealous of ministers who derived their authority from Parliament rather than from himself, and of the parliamentary organisation which controlled his power. The policy which he adopted, and its results, are among the most critical events in the history of the

crown.

King's interest strengthened at the

The dissolution of Parliament, shortly after his accession, afforded an opportunity of strengthening the parliamentary connection of the king's friends. Parliament was kept sitting while the king and Lord Bute were making out lists of the court candidates, and

general election.

VOL. I.

using every exertion to secure their return. The king not only wrested government boroughs from the ministers, in order to nominate his own friends, but even encouraged opposition to such ministers as he conceived not to be in his interest.'

At the meeting at the Cockpit,2 the night before the assembling of the new Parliament, to hear the king's speech read, and to agree upon the choice of a speaker, not only the Whigs and parliamentary supporters of the government attended; but also the old Tories, in a strong body, though without any invitation from ministers. The speaker selected by Lord Bute was Sir John Cust, a country gentleman and a Tory.

taken to break up the minis

Lord Bute, the originator of the new policy, was Measures not personally well qualified for its successful promotion. He was not connected with try. the great families who had acquired a preponderance of political influence: he was no parliamentary debater. his manners were unpopular: he was a courtier rather than a politician: his intimate relations with the Princess of Wales were an object

The Duke of Newcastle thus wrote at this time to Lord Rockingham - -My Lord Anson has received orders from the king himself to declare to the docks (at Portsmouth) that they may vote for whom they please at the Hampshire election, even though the Chancellor of the Exchequer is a candidate.' Lord Bute complained to the First Lord of the Admiralty, that he had disposed of the Admiralty boroughs without acquainting the king.-Dodington's Diary, 433; Rockingham Mem., i. 61-64.

2 Formerly the cockpit of the ancient palace of Whitehall. At this period, it was a public building, on the site of the present Privy Council office, in which were the Council Chamber, and the offices of the First Lord of the Treasury. It was here that the Parliamentary supporters of the Government were invited to meet.—See Cunningham's London, 133; Knight's London, 290.

• Rockingham Mem., i. 68; Dodington's Diary, 433.

of scandal; and, above all, he was a Scotchman. The jealousy of foreigners, which had shown itself in hatred of the Hanoverians, was now transferred to the Scottish nation, whose connection with the late civil war had exposed them to popular obloquy. The scheme was such as naturally occurred to a favourite: but it required more than the talents of a favourite to accomplish. While only in the king's household, his influence was regarded with jealousy remarks were already made upon the unlucky circumstance of his being a 'Scot;' and popular prejudices were aroused against him, before he was ostensibly concerned in public affairs. Immediately after the king's accession, he had been made a privy councillor, and admitted into the cabinet. An arrangement was soon afterwards concerted, by which Lord Holdernesse retired March 25, from office with a pension, and Lord Bute 1761. succeeded him as secretary of state.

It was now the object of the court to break up the existing ministry, and to replace it with another, formed from among the king's friends. Had the ministry been united, and had the chiefs reposed confidence in one another, it would have been difficult to overthrow them. But there were already jealousies amongst them, which the court lost no opportunity of fomenting.' A breach soon arose

Lord Hardwicke said, 'He (Lord Bute) principally availed himself with great art and finesse of the dissensions between the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt: he played off one against the other till he got rid of the popular minister, and when that was compassed, he strengthened himself in the cabinet, by bringing in Lord Egremont and Mr. Grenville, and never left intriguing till he had rendered it impracticable for the old duke to continue in office with

between Mr. Pitt, the most powerful and popular of the ministers, and his colleagues. He desired to strike a sudden blow against Spain, which had concluded a secret treaty of alliance with France, then at war with this country. Though war minister, he was opposed by all his colleagues except Lord Temple. He bore himself haughtily at the council, -declaring that he had been called to the ministry by the voice of the people, and that he could not be responsible for measures which he was no longer allowed to guide. Being met with equal loftiness in the cabinet, he was forced to tender his resignation.2

Pension to

The king overpowered the retiring minister with kindness and condescension. He offered the Mr. Pitt. barony of Chatham to his wife, and to himself an annuity of 3,000l. a year for three lives.3 The minister had deserved these royal favours, and he accepted them, but at the cost of his popularity. It was an artful stroke of policy, thus at once to conciliate and weaken the popular statesman, whose opposition was to be dreaded, and it succeeded.

credit and honour.'-Rockingham Mem., i. 6. See the Duke's own letters, ib., 102-109.

'Grenville Papers, i. 386.

2 Ann. Reg., 1761 [43]. Grenville Papers, i. 391, 405. Mr Pitt, in a letter to Mr. Beckford, October 15, 1761, says, ' A difference of opinion with regard to measures to be taken against Spain, of the highest importance to the honour of the Crown, and to the most essential national interests, and this founded on what Spain had already done, not on what that court may further intend to do, was the.cause of my resigning the seals.'-Chatham Corr., ii. 159.

Mr. Pitt said, 'I confess, Sir, I had but too much reason to expect your Majesty's displeasure. I did not come prepared for this exceeding goodness. Pardon me, Sir, it overpowers, it oppresses me,' and burst into tears.-Ann. Reg.; Grenville Papers, i. 413.