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for which I still feel equal emotion and gratitude.

At the sight of the population, ratifying by their acclamations the act of the national representation I could not but be convinced that I was called by the wish of the country, and I felt all the duties that such a reception imposes

on me.

A Belgian by your adoption, I shall also make it my duty to be so always by my policy.

I have also been received with extreme kindness in that part of the French territory through which I passed, and I have considered these testimonies of good will, which I highly value, a presage of the relations of confidence which ought to subsist between the two countries.

The result of every political commotion is to affect for a time the welfare of the people. I am too sensible of its importance not to direct my immediate attention and most active solicitude to revive commerce and manufactures which are the vivifying principles of national prosperity. The relations which I have formed in the countries which are our neighbors will second, I hope, the efforts which I shall immediately make to attain this end; but I take pleasure in believing that the Belgian people, so remarkable both for good sense and resignation, will give credit to the government for the difficulties of a position connected with a state of distress, which at this moment affects all Europe.

I intend to avail myself of every kind of information, to en

courage all the means of amelioration; and it is in the places themselves that I have already begun to do so, and that I intend to collect the information which is the best calculated to guide the cause of the government in this respect. Gentlemen, I have accepted the crown which you offered me only with a view to perform a task equally noble and useful— that of consolidating the institutions of a generous people, and to maintain its independence. My heart knows no other ambition than that of seeing you hap py. On so affecting a solemnity, I must also express to you one of my most ardent wishes. The nation issues from a violent crisis. May this day efface all hatred, stifle all resentments; may one only thought animate all Belgians - that of a frank and sincere union.

I shall esteem myself happy to concur in this noble result, which has been so well prepared by the wisdom of the venerable man, who has devoted himself with such noble patriotism in the salvation of his country.

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GERMANY.

Public Protocol of the twentysecond Sitting of the Diet of the Germanic Confederation, held 28th June, 1832.

Present, Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wirtemberg, Baden, Hesse electoral, grand duchy of Hesse, Denmark, duchy of Luxembourg, grand ducal and ducal houses of Saxony, Brunswick, and Nassau, the two Mecklenbourgs, Oldenbourg, Anhalt, Schwarsbourg, Hohenzollern, &c., and the free towns of Lubeck, Frankfort, Bremen, and Hamburgh.

Measures for the support of legal order and tranquillity in the Germanic confederation. The Austrian ambassador, president of the diet, declared that the present state of affairs in Germany had only attracted the attention of the emperor as long as the excitement of the people's minds was no more than might be expected, from the great events in which other countries were involved. His majesty hoped that public opinion would be influenced by the preponderance which the calm and well disposed majority must have among a people whose virtues and eminent qualities are the admiration of Europe. His imperial majesty having, however, perceived with great sorrow, that Germany was hastening with gigantic strides to a revolution, resolved to consult his august ally, the king of Prussia, to consider in common the state of Germany, and subsequently, together with the king,

to discuss, with the other German governments, the measures which the present state of things imperatively demands.

In consequence of various conferences with all the members of the confederation, the object of which was the desire to maintain that which exists loyally and in accordance with the law of nations, and to fulfil the duties imposed on them, to watch over the welfare of the people confided to them, the ministers of Austria

and Prussia are commissioned to

make to the diet the following communication.

(Want of room

obliges us to omit this communication and the debate, and we proceed to the conclusion of the protocol.)

The following resolution was unanimously adopted : —

All the governments of the confederation, gratefully acknowledging the attention, (of which the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia have given new proofs), to the general welfare of Germany, have unanimously resolved as follows:

1. Considering that by art. 57 of the final act concluded at Vienna, all the powers of the state must remain united in the head of the state, and that the sovereign, by the constitution of the states, can be limited only in the exercise of certain rights by the co-operation of the states, every

German sovereign, a member of the confederation, is not only authorized to reject the petitions of the estates which may be of a contrary tendency, but his duty to reject them flows from the object of the confederation itself.

2. As farther ascending to the spirit of the said 57th article, and the consequences comprehended in the 58th article, the estates cannot refuse to any German sovereign the means necessary to conduct the government in a manner conformable to his obligations, as a member of the confederation, and those which are imposed on him by the constitution of his country; there fore, all cases in which assemblies of states may attempt to make the granting of the taxes necessary for the government dependent directly or indirectly, on the fulfilment of other objects or wishes, must be reckoned among the cases to which articles 25 and 26 of the act of Vienna are applicable.

ART. 25. The maintenance of internal tranquillity and order in the confederated state belongs to the government alone. Nevertheless, (and as one exception), for the internal security of the whole confederation, and in consequence of the obligation of its members reciprocally to assist each other, the co-operation of all for the maintenance or restoration of tranquillity may take place in case of resistance of the subjects to the government, in open insurrection, or dangerous movements in several of the confederated states.

ART. 26. When in any confederate state, by the resistance

of the inhabitants to the govern-
ment, internal tranquillity is direct-
ly threatened, and a propagation
of seditious movements to be
feared, or if an insurrection has
actually broken out, and the gov-
ernment itself, after having tried
all legal means, claims the assis-
tance of the confederation, the
latter is bound immediately to of-
fer its assistance towards the res-
toration of order. If in the lat-
ter case the government is noto-
riously unable to suppress the re-
bellion by its own means, and
hindered from applying to the
confederation for assistance by
circumstances, the confederation
is then bound, even though not
applied to, to interfere for the re-
establishment of order.
In no
case, however, can the measures
in question be continued, longer
than the government to which as-
sistance is given shall think it ne-
cessary.

3. The internal legislation of the German confederate states must not be opposed to the object of the confederation, as described in art. 2 of the act of confederation, and art. 1 of the final act, nor impede the fulfilment of the federal duties, particularly the levying of the necessary supplies.

4. To secure the dignity and rights of the confederation, and of the assembly representing it, against demands of all kinds, and in order to facilitate in the several states the maintenance of the constitutional relations between the governments and their assemblies of states, a committee shall be appointed by the diet expressly for this purpose, to make itself constantly acquainted with

the proceedings of the estates in the German confederate states, to take into consideration the proposals and resolutions contrary to the obligations with respect to the confederation, or to the rights of the governments guaranteed by the federal compact, and to give notice of such to the diet, which will then, if it judge the matter deserving attention, consult with the governments interested. The committee shall be appointed for six years, at the end of which its continuance shall be taken into consideration.

5. As by article 59 of the final act of Vienna, in those countries where the publicity of the debates of the estates is guaranteed by the constitution, the free expression of opinion cannot be used either in the debates themselves, or in the publication of them by the press, in a manner calculated to endanger the tranquillity of the particular state, or of all Germany, and that provisions must be made for this in the regulations of the chambers; the governments of the confederation bind themselves severally and collectively, to each other, to adopt and carry into effect, as they have hitherto been bound to do by their federal re

lations, proper measures to prevent all attacks on the confederation in the assemblies of the estates, and to repress such attacks, each according to the forms of its own constitution.

6. As the diet is already called by article 17 of the final code, to maintain the true meaning of the act of the confederation, and of the enactments contained in it, to declare it in conformity to the object of the confederation, should any doubt arise respecting the interpretation of it, it is evident that the German confederation alone, and exclusively, is authorised to interpret the act of confederation and the final act, which right it exercises through the diet, its legal organ.

With respect to the abuses of the periodical press, the diet waits for the report of the committee appointed in its 14th sitting this year, for the introduction of uniform ordinances respecting the press, that it may take a final resolution, and it confidently expects, from the zeal of the committee, that it will, as speedily as possible, complete its labors in the spirit of the above representation. (Here follow the signatures.)

RUSSIA AND POLAND. Proclamation of the Emperor of Russia.

Moscow, Nov. 2.

We, Nicholas I., by the grace of God, Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, King of Poland, &c. &c.

Our preceding manifestations and proclamations have sufficiently proved to our faithful subjects how painful it was to us to be obliged to employ arms to quell

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the insurrection which had broken out in our kingdom of Poland. Deeply affected by the innumerable evils to which that country was given up, we wished to employ only the means of persuasion to recall our misguided subjects to their duty; but our voice was not heard, and Poland will owe the return of peace and legal order only to the victorious arms of the empire to which its fate is indissolubly united.. We shall, however, distinguish the great majority of those who were carried beyond the bounds of their duty from the evil-minded, who, deceived by melancholy illusions, and dreaming of an impossible state of things, had recourse to calumny and treachery to attain their object. They alone are answerable for the violation of the most solemn oaths; for the ruin of their country, which had flourished ever since its union with Russia; for the blood shed in the civil war; for the insurrection in the Imperial provinces; and lastly, for the burden which has been laid upon Russia. Their punishment, commensurate with their crimes, is fixed by the laws; but our justice and our clemency shall allay the fear of the weak, and of those who were only misled. To end their apprehension once for all, and make them positively acquainted with our will, we have ordained as follows.

I. A complete and unconditional amnesty is granted to all those of our subjects in the kingdom of Poland who have returned to their obedience. None of those included in this amnesty

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1. The authors of the bloody insurrection of the 29th November, 1830; those who on that night repaired to the Belvedere Palace with a view to take the life of our beloved brother, the deceased Cesarewitsch; the murderers of the Generals and of the Russian and Polish Officers.

2. The authors of the horrors which occurred in Warsaw on the 15th August last.

3. Those who since the 25th of January have at different times been concerned as chiefs or members of the Government illegally established in the kingdom of Poland, and who have not sent in their submission previously to the 13th of September, as well as those who, after the subjection of Warsaw, formed an illegal Government at Zakroczyn, and thereby forfeited all claim to our mercy.

4. The members of the Diet who proposed or supported the act of deposition of the 25th of January.

5. The officers belonging to the corps of Romarino, Rozyck, Kaminski, and Rybinski.

6. The subjects of the western governments who may have participated in the Polish insurrection.'

Manifesto.

By the Grace of God, Nicho

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