the total disregard of the rights and happiness of individuals and commmunities, the final and terrible results of which is riots, murders, rebellions and the like, even to the overthrow of the social State.

Finally, the relation of a weak, ignorant, and dependent creature to an infinitely wise and powerful Creator renders, in the highest degree necessary, the establishing of certain plain aud fixed principles to guide the morals of the creature, to show him what is right, and what is wrong; where lies the path of safety and happiness, and where the path of danger and destruction, and hence arises the highest possible of all obligations to instant and unquestionable obedience. If this be rendered, man attains to the highest point of moral excellence of which his nature is capable, and no language can adequately express the safe and happy condition of the obedient spirit. If obedience be refused, the soul becomes corrupted and debased by sin, and pressed down by its heavy load of guilt, it sinks into a condition of unspeakable wretchedness and

woe.

From the considerations presented above, we derive the general principle of man's subjection to law in all the relations of his being, even to this degree, that no conscious act of his can be performed without receiving good from obedience to, or incurring guilt from the violation of some law. It follows, therefore, as an all important fact, that the principle of obedience lies at the foundation of all that goes to constitute a perfect man, and is, indeed, the sum and substance of all true virtue. First stands the general law of conscience written on our hearts, illum inated and impressed by the precepts of the Bible, which binds us in all things to do that which is right, that is to obey God. This, by immediate consequence, involves and enforces obedience to all the other laws, and imposes it as a sacred obligation on man, diligently to take care of his health, to cultivate his mind, and to observe all the regulations of the social and civil state not at variance with the commands of God. How exceedingly desirable is it, then, that parents, teachers and educators of all classes, should entertain the true view of the nature and extent of the principle of obedience. What immense power for good would it give them in training the characters of the young, to show that their instructions, commands and prohibitions, being conformed to the laws which God had impressed upon their nature, could not be violated with impunity, inasmuch as they had the sanction of a higher authority than their own, even that of the Divine will. What importance, could it thus be taught the young, attaches to all their actions, aud how naturally would it lead them to a more constant and direct reference of their ways to the inspection and will of their Creator; and thus act as a powerful

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motive to draw them into that path of holiness, whose end is Eternal Life.

But in order to derive the most good from the principle of obedience, the enforc ment of it must be divested of that aspect of stern, imperious authority, with which it is too often urged, compelling because, forsooth, it will. For in this case, compliance if rendered, is rendered only to superior power, with an unwilling and reluctant spirit, and not from an intelligent conviction of good to be derived. It should be enforced, indeed, with unwavering decision, but yet with gentleness and mildness, and should be shown to be, as it really is, an agent of unspeakable good, bringing forth rich fruits of moral excellence, such as meekness, teachableness, sweetness of disposition, and a habit of trust in tried wisdom and virtue:

Happy the parent or teacher, who can so impress the mind of a child with the value and benefits of obedience, as to lead him most diligently to watch against any failure therein, through fear of coming short of its great reward. E. L. H.

FREE SCHOOLS.

MR. PRESIDENT :

In rising to introduce the discussion of this evening, I am very glad that I am not to advocate a mere abstraction; and am scarcely less happy, in the persuasion, that I am to defend an institution, called for equally, by the educational, social, civil and religious wants of our age.

The question before you is, should the public schools of our State be free. Unhesitatingly, and as we hope to show you, for the best of reasons, we who are on the affirmative of this question, say they should be free. And we are willing to accept the task which this proposition implies; nor shall we deem it, at all, a burden to maintain by the most ample, and irrefutable proofs, a position so consonant to the reason and philanthropy and benevolence of every enlightened man.

Our position, then, is this: THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF CONNECTICUT

SHOULD BE MADE FREE.

Before proceeding to the defence of this position, it may be well to state what we include in the freedom of our public schools. Very indefinite notions have existed and may still exist upon this point; and if they should enter into this discussion they would only prolong it, without aiding at all, in the final decision.

First then, we do not mean by a free school, one to which every person of suitable school age, can be admitted, irrespective entirely of

moral character. True, children of the worst possible characters need all the redeeming influences of the best of schools. But when they are not to be essentially benefitted by the school, while their daily influence is found most hurtful and corrupting upon others, duty to the many, may demand the exclusion of the few. It is one of the first couplets that our infancy learned to articulate, and we have since then found nothing more true: "One sickly sheep infects the flock, And poisons all the rest." The husbandman might indeed be anxious to restore the health of the diseased animal, but he would hardly be so infatuated as to endanger the rest of the flock in the attempt.

So the community should seek the redemption of those depraved and vicious children, whose earliest years breathed the tainted atmosphere of the low places which fester in obscene rottenness, in nearly all of our larger villages, and which threaten the eternal ruin of the youth in all of our cities. But in doing this, care should be taken lest the contaminating influence of such youth, should extend the plague, now far too widely spread among the young. Accordingly, in all wisely managed public schools, irreclaimable obstinacy and depravity are punished by exclusion; and the great want of all such outcasts is now to be furnished in the appropriate discipline and educational influence of our Houses of Refuge and Reform Schools. And why should it not be so? Is there any thing more vital to the future success of your child than purity and nobleness of character? Can any treasury of learning compensate for meanness? Any splendors of genius atone for unfeeling cruelty or insatiate and self-avenging lust? Any early promise of better and higher things alleviate the bitterness of his cup, whom all good men shun, and whom the all-forbearing Father above, forsakes? No, no. Lay it down then, that the free public school should still be most sacredly guarded against the corrupting influence of all irreclaimable youth. Make it free to those who wish to learn, and who in doing so, will not tempt and lead others to moral ruin.

Again. We do not mean by a free school, one in which the members are free from the restraints of needed laws. It is not necessary to the freedom of a school that the pupils should have free access to the building at all hours-that they be at liberty to make the school-room a race-ground, or even a place for tamer amusements; that they be free to use the Yankee's privilege, elsewhere allowed, to trace out on walls and seats whatever artistic form their fecund brains may suggest, that they be free to sound singly, or in beautiful discord, the universal schoolboy's natural or artificial whistle-pipe, that they, Turk-like, sit on the floor, or, in Quaker-style, sit and march and talk under hat; none of all

these ungraceful, yet not uncommon items are indispensable to the freedom of schools which this discussion implies.

But to leave our negatives, we do mean affirmatively, that such pecuniary provisions should be made for these schools, that any child, however poor, may have free access to all their privileges.

No child should, from pecuniary inability, be debarred from admission to the common school. Nor should he be required to ask it as a special favor, that he be admitted. The school-room door is no place for cringing humiliation, and should never be used as a taunting remembrancer of the poor child's degradation.

Mr. President, we are not here to enquire whether the monarchies and despotisms of the old world can be managed without free schools; or whether the general diffusion of intelligence would contribute to their permanency. Possibly, even, such a consummation would be most disastrous to the quiet and safety of such effete regimes. But even if it should prove so there, it would not argue that the same intelligence would prove as hostile to our free and popular government. Indeed, general intelligence and morality are the acknowledged pillars of every democratic government; and it becomes the first duty of every such government, to see that the poorest as well as the richest of its children be required to secure the indispensable pre-requisite to a safe and honorable citizenship.

Again, we find the leading educators of this day, almost unanimous in their unhesitating approval of free schools. And they are so, because they see that it is the only way in which the growing masses of the poor among us, are to be reached. Where we find, that they who have devoted most study to this question of public instruction, are thus unanimous, we feel that this fact is in itself a most convincing argument, and it becomes still more so, when such men come out boldly and at pecuniary sacrifice, to advocate, and if possible to establish free schools. There may be a difference of opinion among such men, on the question as to how far such free schools shall carry our children in their education; but no such difference exists as to the policy of furnishing a free school, that shall afford to every child in his district, "the opportunity of securing a good business education.

But once more. Those states and portions of states, which have established their schools on this basis, never repent the act. On the contrary, they become, by the very working of the measure, more and more convinced of its utility. And though there may be, here and there, a short-sighted and selfish money-getter, or some close-fisted and unsusceptible old bachelor, who would restore the capitation rule; it will

nevertheless be true, that the great body of the richest, as well as the poorer class will cling to the free school. A man with shrewdness enough to acquire honestly a large property, will be very likely to have shrewdness enough to covet, in his community, that general intelligence which alone can give its value permanency.

common schools, the shall we not extend Hartford they have

And in those places which have established free question is not, shall we abandon our system, but, it to embrace a higher grade of school. Thus in established a most excellent High School on this basis; and in New Haven this same .measure is now under discussion, and will soon be settled on the side of a free High School. In New York, a city more oppressed with needless taxation than any other in the land, the friends of education years ago, felt that it was necessary to establish a Free Academy for boys; and now instead of destroying this, they are preparing for another similar to it in its design and range of studies, for young ladies. The Free Academies of New York will be of her noblest ornaments, while she shall remain the emporium of America. But I will not dwell here. It is, sir, and must be felt so to be, a final and decisive argument on the affirmative of this question, that wherever this system is once fairly adopted, it is found to commend itself, not simply to the approval, but also to the generous support of all intelligent citizens.

H. The above is a verbal report of a portion of a discussion held at one of the closing exercises of the High School in Waterbury.

A LESSON IN GEOGRAPHY.

In a large proportion of our schools it was formerly the custom in teaching geography, as well as other branches, to place in the hands of the pupil some text book, assign him a lesson beginning with the first page of the book perhaps; and after the answers to the questions were all found out, the teacher would hear the lesson without asking any questions to elicit thought, or making any attempt at explanation.

of

There are still, I am sorry to say, many teachers, who in this age improvement in teaching, pursue the same course. There are others who have become disgusted with this stupefying process, and have gone into the other extreme. The latter class would not have their pupils commit to memory scarcely anything, but expect a philosophical reason for everything, in the pupil's own language.

It seems to me there is a medium ground which is much to be preferred.