anarchy, and bloodshed-and for the truth that has come down to us, and which they value more than their lives, or any possession which they have under heaven. And let no man say that our dear and cherished brethren, the Presbyterians, do not join heart and hand in supporting our Church. Having lived in a mixed population of Presbyterians and Church of England men, I can bear witness that when a man in the ministry is a real minister of the Church of England, who holds to the spirit of the liturgy and the articles of the Christian faith, and discharges his duty as a faithful steward, then the Presbyterians look up to that man and bless him,”

This body in Ireland is not only numerous, brave, and energetic, but it is united. The imminence of the danger has produced an organization in that country to which we have nothing as yet comparable in Great Britain; and united the nobles and the people, the high and the low, to a degree of which we can hardly form an idea. When the Reform agitation was at its height in Ireland in spring 1832, the leaders of this intrepid body formed a Society in Dublin to counteract the influence of the Catholic priesthood, and the success of their efforts has already exceeded the most sanguine expectations. To the efforts, the bold and manly efforts of that Society, we owe the intrepid stand made by the North of Ireland against the Reform Bill; a stand which, if imitated in other places with the same resolution, would have prevented that fatal measure from ever becoming the law of the land. Meetings were there held, attended by 50,000 men, to petition against the suicidal measure, and Earl Roden presented a petition against it signed by 130,000 persons. It is to organization, the admirable organization established by the Conservative Society in Dublin, that these splendid and orderly efforts are owing; and a memorable example does it afford to the other parts of the empire, of what can be done, even in the face of extreme danger, by the union of able and indefatigable leaders with intrepid and enthusiastic followers.

Of the proceedings of the Society which has organized this great and patriotic body into its present active

and efficient form, we cannot give so good an account as in the words of Mr Boyton. "I believe, my Lord, that we have not so much reason to complain of the effects of Reform in thinning our ranks as the Government have. We told the Government that they would lose all these members, and that they would be transferred to Mr O'Connell, and the prophecy has been fulfilled both in spirit and letter. We are not, however, to be disheartened at any thing that has occurred. We have not been taken by surprise-all that has occurred we fully anticipated-but notwithstanding, our force in the present Parliament is nearly as strong as in the Parliament which preceded it. It is important to impress the public mind with a just idea of the discomfiture which the Government experienced at the elections in this country. We have ample means to recover the position which we once occupied. We must inspire the lower orders with confidence. This Society has been only in existence for a space of nine months, and I would appeal to any gentleman in Ireland, whether there does not exist a spirit in the lower order of the population on this first day of 1833, which was unknown in 1832? This Society has created that spirit, and given a tone and intensity unparalleled in the history of the country. And are we now to think, that because the elections are over our business is at an end? No, my Lord, it is our duty to stand here, not merely as an election committee, but to remain here as the mouthpiece of the Protestant population as the centre around which they are to rally on all occasions-as the head to which they are always to look for advice-and as the arm to which they should always apply for protection. I recollect leaving your Lordship in London in June last, and I told your Lordship that I would come over to Ireland and supply for three months the enemies of our name and race ample materials for digestion. I think I kept my word. I now promise our enemies, whether they be found in the Castle or the CornExchange, that for the coming six months they shall have ample materials for their consideration. I trust we shall be able to promote a spirit of

confidence among Protestants of every denomination, and procure a perfect consolidation of all Protestants in the country, from the peer to the peasant. We must place before the Protestant mind of the country, the secret of their own power. It is folly to say, that possessing, as they do, a vast preponderance of the wealth of the country-and in possession of so vast a proportion of the surface of the land-and the only sound portion of the population-with all the rank, property, and intelligence of the country on their side-it is a folly to say that two millions and a half of such people could be any thing else but a powerful and irresistible body, and, if not placed under the most trying circumstances they would have had a preponderating majority at the late elections. Whereever a Conservative and a Repeal candidate were in the field, the Government invariably supported the Repealer. It is the manifest duty of every Government to support property against population, but in every instance at the late elections, the Government were invariably found supporting the Repealer and the Democrat against the Conservative candidate, who was ready and anxious to maintain peace, order, and tranquillity."

We extract from one of the last speeches of that intrepid and patriotic nobleman, the Earl of Roden, the following account of the object of the Society:

From the first formation of the Society, I need hardly tell this respectable meeting, that I have taken a most lively and anxious interest in its progress. It has been my delight to watch over your proceedings week after week; and although at a distance from you-detained, in some instances by public, in others by private duty-I have waited most anxiously for the opportunity which has arrived to-day of joining and uniting with you personally in that great and important cause for the maintenance of which we originally combined in this room-namely, to support and uphold the Protestant institutions of the country. I am persuaded, and every day I live the persuasion becomes stronger, that it is to Protestantism in Ireland is to be ascribed that liberty of con

science as well as personal liberty, which is enjoyed, not merely by the Protestants themselves, but by the Roman Catholic inhabitants of this country. It is therefore, sir, because I wish well to all my countrymen, of every persuasion and denomination, that I would uphold the principles of Protestantism. I would say to you, as I have said it in my place in Parliament-and as I am ready to assert whenever I may be called upon that I consider Protestantism in this country as the nucleus of all the liberties we have enjoyed-and to that alone we may trust the continuation of that happiness and freedom so long enjoyed by the inhabitants of this country; and therefore, sir, you will not be surprised when I state it to be my determinationmoving in that sphere of life in which God has placed me, to use every means in my power to forward and uphold so great and important an object. If we once admit that the truth found in Protestantism is a matter of indifference-if we once admit that it signifies not to what religion a man belong, provided he be sincere in his belief in it-we then make no difference between truth and error. The Bible would be a useless book, instead of being the charter of a Christian's privilege, and the foundation of a sinner's hope."

The general object of the Protestant Society is, to counteract the movements, and defeat the objects, of the Catholic Revolutionists; and for a description of these objects, we willingly turn to a late number of one of the ablest of the Conservative papers of Great Britain.

"The first object of Catholic legislation," says the Standard," and of the intrigues for which their legislative power gives them opportu nity, is the overthrow of the Church establishment in Ireland; the overthrow of the Church establishment in England-aye, and in Scotland, too, must follow. Upon this ground, though we have higher to come, we appeal to the clergy of all ranks, to the patrons of Church preferment of all degrees, throughout Great Britain-we appeal to them to aid the Conservative Society of Ireland, in repelling the first invasion of their rights and property.

"The second object of the Popish

party in Parliament, is the extirpation of the Protestant religion. Upon this ground we invoke the aid of all Christian churchmen and Dissenters, of whatever denomination, to aid that Society which, in resisting the aggression of this Popish faction, champions the vital interests of Christianity, and literally prevents the closing of the gospel against seven or eight millions of our fellow-subjects.

"The third object of the Popish faction in Parliament, is the ostentatiously avowed one, the repeal of the Union. Let the manufacturer, the fundholder, the party concerned in the East or West India trade-let, indeed, any man concerned to maintain the power and station of Great Britain, but reflect upon the import of these five words-the repeal of the Union-the repeal of that Union which, thirty-two years ago, was effected at such a cost, in order to avoid a political separation; and that at a moment when the power of Popery had been crushed into the dust by its defeat in a recent rebellion. What would be the effect of a repeal of the Union now, when Popery has been pampered to its present high and palmy state? Let, we say, those who have property, particularly funded property, let those who are engaged in any branch of commerce-let those who have any British feeling, reflect deliberately upon what would follow from a repeal of the Union; and then let them ask themselves whether they ought not to lend a hand to the Protestants of Ireland, who are standing in the breach against that plague?"

When a powerful body, acting upon these principles, is organized for the defence of order in Ireland, and to preserve its union with this country, it is surely the height of madness for Government to throw away such auxiliaries, to alienate such affections, on the very eve of a conflict for the dismemberment of the empire. Yet this is what the Ministry have have done, and are doing, by coalescing on every occasion with the Catholic Repealer in preference to the Protestant Unionist,-the firebrand of anarchy, and dismemberer of the empire, in preference to the friend of order, and tried supporter of the British constitution.

Of the extent to which the anarchical meetings, so loudly praised and warmly supported at one time by Ministers, have gone in Ireland, we cannot give a better proof than is contained in the following charge of Judge Joy to the grand jury at the late Longford Assizes:-"I am sorry to learn, that there is an appearance of moral disease in your country, more fatal and pernicious in its immediate effects, and far more destructive in its general consequences, than that physical disease which Providence has already considerably alleviated in your country. Large assemblies of the people have taken place for the purpose of resisting the law, exciting discontent, and obstructing those persons who are exercising their due rights, and for the purpose of depriving them of that property which the law has given them; and which the law, so long as it remains as it is, must secure to them. Large assemblies have been convoked, for the purpose of entering into a combination to resist the law, and obstructing those who are coming forward in the exercise of their just rights. This state of things cannot be suffered to exist, for evil, you may be assured, must be the result. If it be not checked, there is an end to all social order to all peace-to all protection for life and property, and those ties by which society are kept together must be ultimately severed; if such a state of things be permitted to exist, no man will know what to call his own -no man can exercise his will over that which is his own, but must submissively bend to that most despotic of all tyrants-the tyranny of the mob. It becomes my duty, therefore, to enter into an explanation of the law upon this subject. Persons, it is stated, have assembled in large bodies, with arms, with flying banners, with ensigns, denoting the object of their assembling, and thus inspiring terror into the peaceable subjects of his Majesty. The very existence of this I at once pronounce to be a revolution of the law, which calls for, and is deserving of punishment. Gentlemen, in some cases they have given specific directions as to who should be employed by particular persons, and who should not. They have assumed a control

ling authority over the labour of the country, by dictating to those who are necessarily obliged to employ persons under them; and have also exercised a dictatorial authority in saying, 'You shall not employ this man or that man;' and over those unfortunate persons who are obliged to have recourse to their labour for support, they have exercised an equally dictatorial authority by preventing them from receiving pay ment from particular men."

That the Protestant party in Ireland are a powerful and intrepid body, is evident from the astonishing stand they have made against the Catholic anarchists, even when deserted by Administration, and when the whole weight of Government was lent to support the 5,000,000 of Agitators who are tearing society to pieces in that wretched country. It is owing to their efforts, and their efforts alone, aided by the cool and humane courage of the English soldiers, that there is any thing like order or peace left in any part of Ireland. But the eloquence and ability of the orators of whom it can boast, is in Great Britain in a great degree unknown; and to remove the error, and give a specimen of the ability which presides over their meetings, we cannot resist the temptation of adorning our pages by part of the splendid speech of Mr Boyton on the Dutch war;-a proceeding of which the consequences and the punishment are doomed to be more lasting than the gallant defence of General Chassé. It is not exactly on the subject at present under discussion, but it is intimately connected with it; and Mr Boyton's eloquence is worthy of a place in a more lasting record than the perishing columns of a newspaper.

"I say it is our duty to employ this influence in the way of respectful remonstrance. It is the unquestionable prerogative of the King to declare war-but no Minister should advise war unless it receive the support of the great body of the people -for none such can be brought to a successful termination. My Lord, we object to the war as undertaken in violation of the national faith.War is a fearful alternative, but an alternative which a people may be induced to adopt. But the present

war is to the people of this country unintelligible. If it were undertaken to support an old and faithful allyif it were undertaken to loosen the chains and establish the freedom of an oppressed people-if its objects were to curb superstitious bigotry, or to crush religious persecution(cheers)-if the interests of the country advised, or the honour of the country required, that we should draw the sword from out its sheath, they might excuse if they did not approve the present policy. But that England should unite with her natural enemy to crush an ancient friend; that she should join to wrest from them the hard-earned rights of a gallant people, bought by their bravery and sealed with their blood

that she should ally herself with infidels against brethren of the same household of the faith-and this in defiance of the most obvious interests, and in violation of the pledged honour of the country, is that against which the mind revolts, and will call down, I feel assured, the universal reclamation of the country. But supposing honour permitted, justice must condemn the war-the very basis accepted by the King of Holland contained conditions of crying injustice. Upon the closing of the Scheldt, my Lord, I say the prosperity of the states of Holland has for a long time depended. I need not dwell upon the right vested in Holland to close the entrance of this river, possessing, as she does, a territory on either side of its embouchure; but this right was settled by special treaty between Philip the Fourth and the States of Holland centuries before; they have since strengthened that title by all the authority of prescription, and by the sanction of the States of Europe. Why, my Lord, the attempt of the Emperor Joseph to open the Scheldt, joined with the equally prudent policy, by which, through a most extraordinary coincidence, it was accompanied - namely, the dismantling of the iron girdle of frontier towns, by which the Netherlands was separated from France, led to that first disturbance in Europe, immediately preceding the movement at the French Revolution. The ground assigned by England for its declaration of war against France in

the year 1794, was the opening of the Scheldt. Ever since the separation of the United Provinces from Spain, it has always been the policy of England to secure to Amsterdam, and the other cities of Holland, the wealth, and the consequent power, which Antwerp once derived from the navigation of that stream. But as a question of policy, too, I condemn this unjust war. I cannot be persuaded but that there exists a necessary concatenation between these two principles, and that what is unjust will always be found inexpedient. Is there any man so blind who does not see that at this instant Belgium is a province of France? But recently it formed a parcel of the empire -it was cut up into French departments-it speaks the French language-it is animated by French principles-it is occupied by French armies a daughter of the House of Orleans sits upon the throne-and it is an integral part of France in every thing but the name-nay, French writers even now lay claim to it, quoting as their authority the first passage in the Commentaries of Cæsar:-Gallia divisa est in partes tres, quarum unam Belga colunt. I ask, was it a wise act to extend the French frontier to the Rhine? I say to the Rhine, for part of the demand made upon the Dutch King is, that his rebellious subjects, who have scorned his rule, shall freely navigate the internal waters of Holland that they shall have a free transit along those canals which join the waters of the Scheldt to the Rhine. Well can I sympathize with the sentiment of the Dutch patriot, expressed not long since at a meeting of the States-General, that the Hollanders would never consent to give traitors access to these canals, planned by the enterprise and dug with the treasures of their fathers. But imagine the importance of the Low Countries to France; let any gentleman estimate its vast population, and considering the lightness of its debt-its vast financial resources-the military genius of its people-every male, from the grandsire at the fireside to the youth in the field, a soldier-their unbounded ambition and unbounded pride-let him consider that France is the greatest military power upon the earth, and wants VOL. XXXIII. NO. CCIV.

but maritime strength to aim now, as it has aimed before, at universal rule. Let him then take a map of Europe and observe the line of coast which the cession of the Netherlands adds to this empire-let him weigh the augmented resources derived from the free intercourse with the Dutch colonies secured by one of the articles of the treaty, the possession of the internal navigation of the Continent-the necessary rise of Antwerp and the Netherlands, and the consequent decadence of the Dutch, and he will readily see the vast importance of this added territory to the French people. I put out of question now the demolition of the frontier fortresses, and that France will now have an advanced base for its military operations. But, I ask, is it wise to put into the hands of such a people as the French, such a river as the Scheldt, and such a harbour, and mart, and fortress as Antwerp-a river whose mouth opens over against the Thames-an arsenal selected by the perspicacity of Napoleon as the focus of his maritime strength, and fortified by the mathematical genius of Carnot? The river at Antwerp is broader than the Thames, and is navigable for line-ofbattle ships some miles higher. Surely nothing but infatuated insanity, or else a principle far baser, could have induced such a sacrifice as this. We are to be sacrificed to our natural enemies the French, and for no other intelligible motive but that a disagreement with France would render the Ministry of my Lord Plunkett and my Lord Grey,-would render the reign of nepotism and impotence-a few months shorter. There is something in the history of the Dutch nation well worthy the admiration of the patriot and philosopher. We have handed down to us from ancient times, by the poets and orators who have wondered at and celebrated its extraordinary institutions, the history of the commonwealth, which acquired no mean influence among the states of Greece, and shared no small portion of military renown. But it was a celebrity and a distinction purchased by the sacrifice of every finer sentiment which sweetens domestic life, and which was essentially founded upon the slavery and debasement of