bad. Up to to-day situation here has in no way improved. Besides British arrests numerous arrests of French citizens have taken place, including that of the commercial attaché to French Embassy, though French consular officers have not so far been touched. Thousands of Russians belonging to officer and wealthy classes not excluding merchants and shopkeepers are being arrested daily, and according to an official communication five hundred of them have already been shot; amongst arrested there are a large number of women. For last four days no further British arrests have been made. I enclose herewith a full list of British officials and civilians now under arrest at Petrograd. Position of British subjects in prison is most precarious and during last few days constant reports have reached Legation that question whether to shoot or release them has not yet been decided. There seems to be also a strong tendency to regard those arrested as hostages. Those belonging to military and naval missions are probably in most danger and in present rabid temper of Bolsheviks anything is possible but there is some hope that consular staff and civilians may be released before matters become still more serious. With regard to members of missions hope of release seems very small. Conditions under which Englishmen at Peter and Paul Fortress are kept are most miserable. I was informed yesterday by M. d'Arcy, commercial attaché to French Embassy just released, that they are crowded together with other prisoners, some twenty in a cell, twenty by ten feet. In each cell there is only one bed, rest must sleep on a stone floor. No food whatever is supplied by prison authorities, and they depend entirely on arrangements which this Legation had made, and food furnished by friends and relatives. Rugs, pillows, medicines, warm clothing and other comforts are being sent from time to time, but great difficulties are experienced in getting these articles delivered. From August 31 to morning of September 2 no food at all was accepted for prisoners. Since then they have received some supplies from outside, but it still remains to be seen whether it will reach them regularly at fortress, though I shall leave no stone unturned to secure its proper distribution. Russian prisoners in fortress appear to be absolutely starving and this will make the question of supply of British subjects even more difficult than it would otherwise be, owing to presence in their cells of famished Russians. I enclose herewith copy of letter just received from British prisoners which speaks for itself.1 Yesterday evening I endeavoured to see Zinoviev in order to inform him of appalling conditions at the fortress but he absolutely refused to see me. I was equally unable to see Uritski's successor and could only gain access to a subordinate of latter, who behaved with lack of courtesy which may now be expected. I informed him of conditions obtaining in fortress and he eventually promised to speak to commandant of fortress whom he had occasion to see that night. He refused to give me the number of Zinoviev's telephone or name of commandant of fortress. As regards situation in Moscow I can only say that in my opinion it is most grave. Nineteen Englishmen and thirty Frenchmen have been arrested and are kept under the worst conditions. Mr. Lockhart who was released and subsequently rearrested was only saved from being shot on September 4 by my most strenuous exertions. Before I left Moscow a solemn promise was given to me that he would be released but his position is precarious in the extreme, while all those now under arrest there are in great danger. Mr. Lockhart is accused by Soviet government of organising a plot to overthrow it and Bolshevik official and unofficial papers are full of details of alleged conspiracy while it is asserted that British officials at Petrograd were concerned in plot. Attempt on life of 'Not printed. Lenin is of course attributed by Bolsheviks to British and French and if he should die it is quite possible that all now under arrest at Moscow and Petrograd would be shot. At Moscow I had repeated interviews with Chicherin and Karakhan. I consider Chicherin beneath contempt and can only apply to him term “ reptile." I was able to show pretty clearly what opinion I held of him. Whole Soviet government has sunk to the level of a criminal organisation. Bolsheviks realise that their game is up and have entered on a career of criminal madness. I repeatedly told Chicherin with all the energy of which I am capable that he must realise full well that Bolshevik government was not a match for England. England had a longer wind than the Soviets. She would not be intimidated; even if hundreds of British subjects should be executed by order of the Bolsheviks England would not turn one hair's breadth from her purpose. Moment would come when the Soviet authorities, man by man, would have to pay for all the acts of terrorism which they committed. But in spite of persistence with which I drove those facts home, 1 could not obtain any definite promises from Chicherin but only a few evasive replies and some lies. Bolsheviks have burnt their boats and are now ready for any wickedness. As regards original objects of my journey to Moscow, evacuation of British from Russia, I found it necessary to promise that Litvinov should be allowed to leave England at once provided that in exchange for this concession all British subjects in Russia including consular staffs and missions were allowed to leave the country. This was agreed to so far as consulates and civilians were concerned including those now under arrest at Petrograd but an exception was made with regard to members of military and naval missions who would be released only on arrival of Russian Red Cross delegates in France for the purpose of repatriation of Russian soldiers. Result of negotiations was reported by telegraph to His Majesty's Minister at Stockholm through intermediary of Swedish Consul General at Moscow for communication to British Government. As regards invasion of British Embassy at Petrograd I had occasion to present to Chicherin and Karakhan, in addition to my protest and demands for repatriation, embodied in my note to Chicherin of September 2, joint protest drawn up by neutral diplomatic representatives at Petrograd (see above) which I also signed, demanding release of all those arrested at Embassy and that Embassy should be handed over to me and stating that Soviet government would be held responsible in every respect for consequences of this breach of international law which was quite unique in history. This I reported to my Government, at The Hague, through the intermediary of Chicherin for transmission to British Legation there though I cannot affirm that telegram was sent. Chicherin wished to evade question of release of persons arrested at Embassy and only agreed to demand for Embassy to be handed over to me, but I told him plainly that it must be all or nothing, and that I would not consent to half measures of this kind. I have further demanded that all documents seized at the Embassy shall be delivered to me. The foregoing report will indicate the extremely critical nature of the present situation. The danger is now so great that I feel it my duty to call the attention of the British and all other Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism in Russia at once the civilisation of the whole world will be threatened. This is not an exaggeration but a sober matter of fact; and the most unusual action of German and Austrian Consuls General before referred to, in joining in protest of neutral legations appears to indicate that the danger is also being realised in German and Austrian quarters. I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the world, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe and the whole world as it is organised and worked by Jews who have no nationality, and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things. The only manner in which this danger could be averted would be collective action on the part of all powers. I am also of opinion that no support whatever should be given to any other socialistic party in Russia, least of all to Social Revolutionaries, whose policy it is at the moment to overthrow the Bolsheviks, but whose aims in reality. are the same, viz., to establish proletariat rule through the world. Social Revolutionaries will never fight any foreign power and any profession which they may now make in this sense is merely a tactical move in their struggle with the Bolsheviks. I would beg that this report may be telegraphed as soon as possible in cypher in full to the British Foreign Office in view of its importance. Consul Bosanquet and Acting Vice Consul Kimens are staying at this Legation but it is essential that this fact should not be known to any one. File No. 861.00/2900 The Chargé in Norway (Schoenfeld) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] CHRISTIANIA, October 7, 1918, noon. 1216. Note verbale from the Foreign Office dated October 4 states that a telegram from Norwegian Legation, Petrograd, under date of October 3 reports that the British and French citizens who had sought asylum in the American Consulate General, Moscow, had left and that Norwegian extraterritoriality had not been violated. File No. 861.00/2934 SCHOENFELD The Chargé in Great Britain (Laughlin) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] LONDON, October 12, 1918, 1 p. m. 2737. Following from Stockholm: 219, October 11, 1 p. m. Webster1 arrived yesterday with 7 Americans, 31 British, 29 French, including Lockhart, Ward, Robin P. Lavergne and consular and military staffs from Moscow. Fortyfive British and 5 French still in fortress Petrograd. Wardwell and Andrews hope to come out shortly by boat. Everything all right at Embassy. Rumor Kalamatiano shot in Moscow. Seventeen more Americans arrive to-day. Whitehouse. Archangel notified. LAUGHLIN 1Capt. William B. Webster, member of the American Red Cross Commission to Russia. 20856-31- 48 CHAPTER XV THE TERROR Protest of the United States: Attitude of Allied and Neutral Governments-Protests of Neutral Governments and of the Chief of the American Red Cross Commission: Answers of the Soviet GovernmentEfforts for the Release of Hostages and for Restriction of the Practice of Taking Them File No. 861.00/2971 The Consul at Moscow (Poole) to the Secretary of State Moscow, September 2, 1918. [Received October 16.] SIR: I have the honor to submit herewith for the information of the Department a copy of a letter which I have to-day addressed to the Minister of the Netherlands, who is temporarily at Moscow negotiating with the Bolshevik authorities concerning the departure of the Allied representatives and the release of Allied nationals now held as hostages. I have [etc.] [Enclosure] DEWITT C. POOLE, Jr. The American Consul at Moscow (Poole) to the Netherland Minister (Oudendijk) Moscow, September 2, 1918. SIR: As of possible interest to you in connection with your negotiations with the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, I have the honor to inform you that I was approached on August 26 by Mr. B. M. Sverdlov, brother of the chairman of the Central Executive Committee, respecting the case of certain women and children said to have been taken as hostages at Ufa. Mr. Sverdlov explained that the Bolshevik forces upon retiring from Ufa took with them a large number of hostages, chosen more or less at random from the more wealthy inhabitants, and that it was possible that these hostages had subsequently been treated with severity. Without attempting to defend this action he pointed out that the taking of women and children as hostages, even as a measure of reprisal, was a barbarity which should be stopped at all costs. He proposed that if I should prepare instructions in the premises to the American Vice Consul at Samara he would use his influence to have these instructions forwarded by wireless telegraph. Pursuant to his proposal I wrote Mr. Sverdlov a letter in which I referred to his request for cooperation in the matter of the release of hostages and asked him to employ any means which might be at his disposal to have the following telegram dispatched: At request of People's Commissars I draw your attention to the cases of wife of Commissar of Food Supply Tsuryupa, wife of Commissar Bruikhanov, wife of Commissar Yuriev, wife and son President Railway Committee Mukhin, wife of Muraviev, Madam Iliin, wife of Commissar Kadomtsev, wife of Commissar Kibanov, all of whom are said to have been taken hostages at Ufa. You will investigate at once and if confirmation obtained act vigorously to secure the immediate release of the persons named. The taking of hostages of any kind is barbarous. The extension of such measures to women and children is not to be tolerated and, whatever the circumstances, must be prevented by every means in our power. Liberation should not be made contingent upon reciprocity but offered gratuitously as an example which a civilized opponent cannot but follow. Poole. At the request of Mr. Lockhart I added to the letter that the British Diplomatic Agent concurred in the foregoing instructions and regretted that there was no British agent at Samara whom he might address in a similar sense. At Mr. Sverdlov's suggestion I submitted the case to M. Grenard and he in turn addressed a letter to Mr. Sverdlov, asking him to forward to the French Vice Consul at Samara telegraphic instructions of the same tenor as those quoted above. I am personally convinced that the only hope of bringing to an end, or in any way mitigating the course of mutual reprisals upon which the Bolsheviki and a part of their opponents have unfortunately entered, is to induce one or the other side to liberate its hostages gratuitously, thus placing upon the other the full moral onus of a failure to reciprocate forthwith. I am not too sanguine of success even by this method but still consider it possible that the Bolsheviki may finally perceive that only by some striking act of abnegation and repentance can they lessen in any degree the black discredit which they have recently brought upon their cause and upon themselves individually. I have [etc.] DEWITT C. POOLE, Jr. File No. 861.00/2707 The Consul at Moscow (Poole) to the Secretary of State1 [Telegram] Moscow, September 3, 1918. [Received September 16, 5.34 a. m.] 2. Reference my No. 1 of even date,2 situation of Allied citizens here is dangerous, but that of Russians has already become tragic in the extreme. Complete suppression of all but Bolshevik papers since July 1 and imperfect communication abroad have no doubt left the outside world with hardly more than a suggestion of the true situation in central Russia. Since May the so-called Extraordinary Commission against Counter-Revolution has conducted an openly avowed campaign of terror. Thousands of persons have been summarily shot without even the form of trial. Many of them have no doubt been innocent of even the political views which were supposed to supply the motive of their execution. The assassination of Uritski and the attempt on Lenin are the results [causes] of this high tyranny. Socialists, once Sent via the Consulate General at Christiania, where received by mail from Moscow through Norwegian Government. 'Ante, p. 662. |